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- Saterfrisian
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Verbs: Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I: Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 1.0. Introduction
- 1.1. Main types of verb-frame alternation
- 1.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 1.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 1.4. Some apparent cases of verb-frame alternation
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 4.0. Introduction
- 4.1. Semantic types of finite argument clauses
- 4.2. Finite and infinitival argument clauses
- 4.3. Control properties of verbs selecting an infinitival clause
- 4.4. Three main types of infinitival argument clauses
- 4.5. Non-main verbs
- 4.6. The distinction between main and non-main verbs
- 4.7. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb: Argument and complementive clauses
- 5.0. Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 5.4. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc: Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId: Verb clustering
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I: General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II: Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- 11.0. Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1 and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 11.4. Bibliographical notes
- 12 Word order in the clause IV: Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 14 Characterization and classification
- 15 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 15.0. Introduction
- 15.1. General observations
- 15.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 15.3. Clausal complements
- 15.4. Bibliographical notes
- 16 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 16.2. Premodification
- 16.3. Postmodification
- 16.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 16.3.2. Relative clauses
- 16.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 16.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 16.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 16.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 17.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 17.3. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Articles
- 18.2. Pronouns
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Numerals and quantifiers
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Numerals
- 19.2. Quantifiers
- 19.2.1. Introduction
- 19.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 19.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 19.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 19.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 19.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 19.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 19.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 19.5. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Predeterminers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 20.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 20.3. A note on focus particles
- 20.4. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 22 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 23 Characteristics and classification
- 24 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 25 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 26 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 27 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 28 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 29 The partitive genitive construction
- 30 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 31 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- 32.0. Introduction
- 32.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 32.2. A syntactic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.4. Borderline cases
- 32.5. Bibliographical notes
- 33 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 34 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 35 Syntactic uses of adpositional phrases
- 36 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Syntax
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- General
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- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
This section provides the general background against which the discussion of the different types of psych-verbs will be set. Subsection I begins with an introductory discussion of the kinds of arguments that can be found with psychological predicates in general. Subsection II introduces the types of psych-verbs that will be examined in Sections 2.5.1.2 and 2.5.1.3. Subsection III concludes with some brief remarks on verb-frame alternations in the domain of psych-verbs.
This subsection looks at the thematic roles of the different arguments that can be found with psychological predicates. We deliberately do not use the term psych-verb here, since we will clarify these roles with clauses containing the psych-adjective boosangry, which denotes the property of being in a certain mental state. The five different types of argument in (434) can be found in clauses with a psychological predicate; cf. Pesetsky (1995).
| a. | Experiencer |
| b. | Target of emotion |
| c. | Subject matter of emotion |
| d. | Causer of emotion (= Agent) |
| e. | Cause of emotion |
Every psychological predicate has an obligatory argument, which can be called the experiencer, which experiences or inhabits the mental state denoted by the predicate. In the case of psych-adjectives like boosangry, the experiencer is the external argument of the adjective. Experiencers are typically human, or at least animate.
| JanExp | is boos. | ||
| Jan | is angry |
Mental states are often directed at an entity in the sense that they express a positive or negative emotion toward that entity. The entity toward which this emotion is directed is called the target of emotion. In the case of the psych-adjective boos, the target is expressed by a PP-complement headed by op, as shown in (436a). In addition to a target of emotion, a psych-adjective can also have a subject matter of emotion, which in the case of boos is expressed by a PP-complement headed by over, as shown in (436b). Although it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between the target and the subject matter, the distinction is real, as can be seen from the fact that they can be expressed simultaneously, as in (436c).
| a. | JanExp | is | boos | op MarieTarget. | |
| Jan | is | angry | with Marie |
| b. | JanExp | is | boos | over die opmerkingSubjM. | |
| Jan | is | angry | about that remark |
| c. | JanExp | is | boos | op MarieTarget | over die opmerkingSubjM. | |
| Jan | is | angry | with Marie | about that remark |
Psychological predicates can differ in whether they allow a target or a subject matter of emotion to be present. For example, an adjective like bezorgdworried can take a subject matter but not a target of emotion, whereas an adjective like verliefdin love is only compatible with a target of emotion.
| a. | Jan is bezorgd | (*op de regeringTarget) | over de luchtverontreinigingSubjM. | |
| Jan is worried | at the government | about the air pollution |
| b. | Jan is verliefd | op MarieTarget | (*over haar ogenSubjM). | |
| Jan is in-love | with Marie | about her eyes |
Because it is not always easy to decide whether a particular complement is the target or the subject matter of emotion, we will occasionally use the term object of emotion as an umbrella term for the two.
Emotions can not only be directed at or pertain to an entity, they can also be triggered by something. The trigger of the emotion is called the causer or cause of emotion. The two terms differ in that causer is used when the argument is actively involved in triggering the emotion (i.e. is agentive), whereas cause does not imply any activity. This difference is responsible for the fact that causers, like Peter in (438a), are usually [+animate] entities, whereas causes, like die opmerkingenthose remarks in (438b), can also be [-animate]. The roles of causer and cause can be expressed simultaneously, but then the cause must take the form of an adjunct-PP, typically headed by metwith or doorby.
| a. | PeterCauser | maakt | JanExp | boos. | |
| Peter | makes | Jan | angry |
| b. | Die opmerkingenCause | maken | JanExp | boos. | |
| those remarks | make | Jan | angry |
| c. | PeterCauser | maakt | JanExp | boos | met/door zijn opmerkingenCause. | |
| Peter | makes | Jan | angry | with/by his remarks |
Causers and causes can easily be confused with objects of emotion, but they are nonetheless distinct. Although (438a) above is compatible with a reading in which Jan’s anger is directed at Peter, this need not be the case. It could also be the case that Peter does something that makes Jan angry at something or with someone else; all that is required for the sentence to be true is that there is a causal connection between Peter and Jan’s anger. Similarly, the remarks in (438b) may be the subject matter of emotion, but it may also be the case that the remarks cause anger about some other matter. Clear cases in which the causer/cause should be distinguished from the object (target/subject matter) of emotion are given in (439).
| a. | PeterCauser | maakt | JanExp | met zijn verhalenCause | bang | voor spokenSubjM. | |
| Peter | makes | Jan | with his stories | afraid | of ghosts |
| b. | Dat soort verhalenCause | maken | JanExp | altijd | kwaad | op de regeringTarget. | |
| that kind [of] stories | make | Jan | always | angry | at the government |
There are several constraints on the syntactic realization of the thematic roles discussed in Subsection II. The examples in (436) and (438) in the previous subsections have shown that an experiencer can be either the subject or the object of the clause, depending on what other thematic roles are expressed. The target or subject matter of emotion is realized as a complement: in the case of an adjective this complement always has the form of a PP, but in the case of a verb the target of emotion can also have the form of a DP. This contrast is shown in (440).
| a. | JanExp | is | bang | voor zijn vaderTarget. | |
| Jan | is | afraid | of his father |
| b. | JanExp | vreest | zijn vaderTarget. | |
| Jan | fears | his father |
The causer is always a subject, but the examples in (438) have shown that the cause can be realized either as the subject of the clause or (if a causer is present) as an adjunct PP headed by met or door. We summarize these results from the previous subsections in the descriptive generalizations in (441).
| a. | Experiencer: subject or object |
| b. | Target of emotion: object |
| c. | Subject matter of emotion: object |
| d. | Causer of emotion: subject |
| e. | Cause of emotion: subject or adjunct (met/door-PP) |
The notion of object in (441a-c) refers to the accusative argument in the clause. However, as we will see in example (446c) in Subsection II, psych-verbs such as behagento please take a dative experiencer. In such cases the subject of the clause is not a causer/cause, but an object of emotion (ObjE): Dat boekObjE bevalt hemExp goed that book pleases him. Since verbs such as bevallento please are nom-dat verbs, we are dealing with a (derived) theme-subject, so we can conclude that objects of emotion are always internal arguments of the psychological predicate. Therefore, it seems more appropriate to reformulate the generalizations in (441) in terms of internal and external arguments. Since we are not always sure whether the (often inanimate) cause of emotion can be regarded as an external argument, we have added a question mark in (442e).
| a. | Experiencer: external or internal argument |
| b. | Target of emotion: internal argument |
| c. | Subject matter of emotion: internal argument |
| d. | Causer of emotion: external argument |
| e. | Cause of emotion: external argument (?), or adjunct (met/door) PP |
A question that should be raised with respect to the thematic roles in (441)/(442) is whether they can be seen as separate thematic roles assigned by the predicate, comparable to the thematic roles of agent, goal, and theme, or whether they are specific instantiations of these latter roles; cf. Pesetsky (1995: §2) for a defense of the second position. We will not discuss this issue here, but simply describe the syntactic behavior of the arguments carrying these roles and note what facts may be relevant to the issue, leaving it to the reader to decide whether or not e.g. the role of causer should be seen as a special instantiation of the role of agent; cf. Marelj (2013) for a relevant discussion from a semantic perspective.
In keeping with the generalization in (441a), psych-verbs are often classified according to the syntactic function of their experiencer, leading to a distinction between subject-experiencer and object-experiencer psych-verbs. However, the reformulation of this generalization in (442a) suggests that the two groups can be further divided, as shown in Table 13.
| verb type | example | subsection | |
| Subject experiencer | intransitive | wanhopen ‘to despair’ | 2.5.1.2, sub I |
| transitive | haten ‘to hate’ | 2.5.1.2, sub II | |
| monadic unaccusative | schrikken ‘to be frightened’ | 2.5.1.2, sub III | |
| Object experiencer | transitive | irriteren ‘to irritate’ | 2.5.1.3, sub II |
| nom-acc | irriteren ‘to irritate’ | ||
| nom-dat (dyadic unaccusative) | behagen ‘to please’ | 2.5.1.3, sub I | |
Some properties of the two main groups are discussed briefly here. The final column of Table 13 indicates where the various subtypes will be discussed in more detail.
Subject-experiencer psych-verbs such as vrezento fear in (443) select a nominal or prepositional complement that refers to the target or subject matter of emotion, as in (443a) and (443b), respectively. This shows that subject-experiencer verbs differ from adjectival psych-predicates such as boosangry in that they allow the target of emotion to be realized as a noun phrase.
| a. | JanExp | vreest | zijn vaderTarget. | |
| Jan | fears | his father |
| b. | JanExp | vreest | voor zijn levenSubjM. | |
| Jan | fears | for his life |
The examples in (444a&b) show that the subject-experiencer verbs need not be transitive, but can also be intransitive; in this case the target of emotion is realized as a PP-complement. The (c)-examples in (444) show that subject-experiencer verbs can also be monadic unaccusative, can be seen from the fact that the verb schrikkento be frightened takes the auxiliary verb zijnto be in the perfect tense.
| a. | ElsExp | wanhoopt | (aan het slagen van de onderneming). | intransitive PO-verb | |
| Els | despairs | of the success of the enterprise |
| b. | JanExp | haat | dat huiswerk. | transitive | |
| Jan | hates | that homework |
| c. | MarieExp | schrok. | unaccusative | |
| Marie | got.frightened | |||
| 'Marie has become frightened.' | ||||
| c'. | MarieExp | is | geschrokken. | |
| Marie | has | gotten.frightened | ||
| 'Marie has become frightened.' | ||||
The subject of transitive object-experiencer psych-verbs such as ergerento annoy refers either to an entity that is the causer of the mental state, such as Peter in (445a), or to an entity that functions as the cause, such as die opmerkingenthose remarks in (445b). The causer and the cause can be expressed simultaneously, but then the latter must be in the form of a met-PP, as shown by (445c).
| a. | PeterCauser | ergert | MarieExp. | |
| Peter | annoys | Marie |
| b. | Die opmerkingenCause | ergeren | MarieExp. | |
| those remarks | annoy | Marie |
| c. | PeterCauser | ergert | MarieExp | met die opmerkingenCause. | |
| Peter | annoys | Marie | with those remarks |
Since the experiencers of object-experiencer verbs are realized as objects, such verbs must be at least dyadic. Object-experiencer verbs can be subdivided into three subtypes on the basis of properties of their subjects, which are illustrated in (446).
| a. | PeterCauser | ergert | MarieExp. | transitive | |
| Peter | annoys | Marie |
| b. | Die opmerkingenCause | ergeren | MarieExp. | nom-acc | |
| those remarks | annoy | Marie |
| c. | Zulk onbeleefd gedragObject | behaagt | henExp | niet. | nom-dat | |
| such impolite behavior | pleases | them | not |
The verbs in examples like (446a&b) are often called causative psych-verbs, because the subject functions as a causer/cause. Although both constructions involve the verb ergerento annoy, we will show that the two constructions in (446a&b) behave quite differently in several respects. The construction with a causer subject in (446a) behaves like other kinds of transitive constructions, and we will therefore consider the verb ergeren in this construction as a regular transitive verb. The construction with a cause subject in (446b), on the other hand, shows behavior atypical for transitive constructions: the verb ergeren will therefore not be considered here as a regular transitive verb, but as an instantiation of a special class of so-called nom-acc psych-verbs. A third type of object-experiencer verb is given in (446c); in this case we are dealing with a dyadic unaccusative psych-verb which realizes the experiencer as a dative object. The subject of the nom-dat verb is not a causer/cause, but an object (subject matter/target) of emotion. This is not surprising, since the subject is not an external but an internal argument of the verb, just like the complements of the transitive verbs in (443); cf. the discussion of (442).
The study of psych-verbs is greatly complicated by the fact that many of these verbs have verb-frame alternations. This was already illustrated in Subsection II for the verb ergerento annoy, which can take either a causer or a cause as its subject; the relevant examples are repeated here as (447a&b). The situation with this verb is actually even more complex, since it can also be used as an inherently reflexive verb, in which case the experiencer appears as the subject and the verb optionally takes a PP-complement referring to the object (target/subject matter) of emotion. The verb-frame alternation in (447), which is discussed in more detail in Section 2.5.1.3, sub IV, is typical of many verbs that can be used as nom-acc psych-verbs.
| a. | PeterCauser | ergert | MarieExp. | transitive | |
| Peter | annoys | Marie |
| b. | Die opmerkingenCause | ergeren | MarieExp. | nom-acc | |
| those remarks | annoy | Marie |
| c. | MarieExp | ergert | zich | (aan PeterObj/die opmerkingObj). | inherently reflexive | |
| Marie | annoys | refl | of Peter/that remark |
Other verb-frame alternations are also possible. For example, causative psych-verbs such as kalmerento calm down in (448) have unaccusative counterparts; see Section 3.2.3 for a detailed discussion of this so-called causative-inchoative alternation, which we also find with causative non-psych-verbs such as brekento break. When relevant, the availability of verb-frame alternations is noted in the discussion of object-experiencer verbs in Section 2.5.1.3.
| a. | JanCauser | kalmeert | zijn dochtertjeExp. | transitive | |
| Jan | calms.down | his daughter |
| b. | Die opmerkingenCause | kalmeren | zijn dochtertjeExp. | nom-acc | |
| those remarks | calm.down | his daughter |
| c. | Zijn dochtertjeExp | kalmeert. | unaccusative | |
| his daughter | calms.down |