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2.5.1.1.General introduction
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This section provides the general background against which the discussion of the different types of psych-verbs will be set. Subsection I begins with an introductory discussion of the kinds of arguments that can be found with psychological predicates in general. Subsection II introduces the types of psych-verbs that will be examined in Sections 2.5.1.2 and 2.5.1.3. Subsection III concludes with some brief remarks on verb-frame alternations in the domain of psych-verbs.

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[+]  I.  The arguments of psychological predicates

This subsection looks at the thematic roles of the different arguments that can be found with psychological predicates. We deliberately do not use the term psych-verb here, since we will clarify these roles with clauses containing the psych-adjective boosangry, which denotes the property of being in a certain mental state. The five different types of argument in (434) can be found in clauses with a psychological predicate; cf. Pesetsky (1995).

434
Arguments that may co-occur with psychological predicates
a. Experiencer
b. Target of emotion
c. Subject matter of emotion
d. Causer of emotion (= Agent)
e. Cause of emotion
[+]  A.  Experiencer

Every psychological predicate has an obligatory argument, which can be called the experiencer, which experiences or inhabits the mental state denoted by the predicate. In the case of psych-adjectives like boosangry, the experiencer is the external argument of the adjective. Experiencers are typically human, or at least animate.

435
JanExp is boos.
  Jan is angry
[+]  B.  Target and subject matter of emotion

Mental states are often directed at an entity in the sense that they express a positive or negative emotion toward that entity. The entity toward which this emotion is directed is called the target of emotion. In the case of the psych-adjective boos, the target is expressed by a PP-complement headed by op, as shown in (436a). In addition to a target of emotion, a psych-adjective can also have a subject matter of emotion, which in the case of boos is expressed by a PP-complement headed by over, as shown in (436b). Although it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between the target and the subject matter, the distinction is real, as can be seen from the fact that they can be expressed simultaneously, as in (436c).

436
a. JanExp is boos op MarieTarget.
  Jan is angry with Marie
b. JanExp is boos over die opmerkingSubjM.
  Jan is angry about that remark
c. JanExp is boos op MarieTarget over die opmerkingSubjM.
  Jan is angry with Marie about that remark

Psychological predicates can differ in whether they allow a target or a subject matter of emotion to be present. For example, an adjective like bezorgdworried can take a subject matter but not a target of emotion, whereas an adjective like verliefdin love is only compatible with a target of emotion.

437
a. Jan is bezorgd (*op de regeringTarget) over de luchtverontreinigingSubjM.
  Jan is worried at the government about the air pollution
b. Jan is verliefd op MarieTarget (*over haar ogenSubjM).
  Jan is in-love with Marie about her eyes

Because it is not always easy to decide whether a particular complement is the target or the subject matter of emotion, we will occasionally use the term object of emotion as an umbrella term for the two.

[+]  C.  Causer and cause of emotion

Emotions can not only be directed at or pertain to an entity, they can also be triggered by something. The trigger of the emotion is called the causer or cause of emotion. The two terms differ in that causer is used when the argument is actively involved in triggering the emotion (i.e. is agentive), whereas cause does not imply any activity. This difference is responsible for the fact that causers, like Peter in (438a), are usually [+animate] entities, whereas causes, like die opmerkingenthose remarks in (438b), can also be [-animate]. The roles of causer and cause can be expressed simultaneously, but then the cause must take the form of an adjunct-PP, typically headed by metwith or doorby.

438
a. PeterCauser maakt JanExp boos.
  Peter makes Jan angry
b. Die opmerkingenCause maken JanExp boos.
  those remarks make Jan angry
c. PeterCauser maakt JanExp boos met/door zijn opmerkingenCause.
  Peter makes Jan angry with/by his remarks

Causers and causes can easily be confused with objects of emotion, but they are nonetheless distinct. Although (438a) above is compatible with a reading in which Jan’s anger is directed at Peter, this need not be the case. It could also be the case that Peter does something that makes Jan angry at something or with someone else; all that is required for the sentence to be true is that there is a causal connection between Peter and Jan’s anger. Similarly, the remarks in (438b) may be the subject matter of emotion, but it may also be the case that the remarks cause anger about some other matter. Clear cases in which the causer/cause should be distinguished from the object (target/subject matter) of emotion are given in (439).

439
a. PeterCauser maakt JanExp met zijn verhalenCause bang voor spokenSubjM.
  Peter makes Jan with his stories afraid of ghosts
b. Dat soort verhalenCause maken JanExp altijd kwaad op de regeringTarget.
  that kind [of] stories make Jan always angry at the government
[+]  D.  The syntactic realization of the thematic roles of psych-predicates

There are several constraints on the syntactic realization of the thematic roles discussed in Subsection II. The examples in (436) and (438) in the previous subsections have shown that an experiencer can be either the subject or the object of the clause, depending on what other thematic roles are expressed. The target or subject matter of emotion is realized as a complement: in the case of an adjective this complement always has the form of a PP, but in the case of a verb the target of emotion can also have the form of a DP. This contrast is shown in (440).

440
a. JanExp is bang voor zijn vaderTarget.
  Jan is afraid of his father
b. JanExp vreest zijn vaderTarget.
  Jan fears his father

The causer is always a subject, but the examples in (438) have shown that the cause can be realized either as the subject of the clause or (if a causer is present) as an adjunct PP headed by met or door. We summarize these results from the previous subsections in the descriptive generalizations in (441).

441
Syntactic realization of the thematic roles (first approximation):
a. Experiencer: subject or object
b. Target of emotion: object
c. Subject matter of emotion: object
d. Causer of emotion: subject
e. Cause of emotion: subject or adjunct (met/door-PP)

The notion of object in (441a-c) refers to the accusative argument in the clause. However, as we will see in example (446c) in Subsection II, psych-verbs such as behagento please take a dative experiencer. In such cases the subject of the clause is not a causer/cause, but an object of emotion (ObjE): Dat boekObjE bevalt hemExp goed that book pleases him. Since verbs such as bevallento please are nom-dat verbs, we are dealing with a (derived) theme-subject, so we can conclude that objects of emotion are always internal arguments of the psychological predicate. Therefore, it seems more appropriate to reformulate the generalizations in (441) in terms of internal and external arguments. Since we are not always sure whether the (often inanimate) cause of emotion can be regarded as an external argument, we have added a question mark in (442e).

442
Syntactic realization of the thematic roles (second approximation)
a. Experiencer: external or internal argument
b. Target of emotion: internal argument
c. Subject matter of emotion: internal argument
d. Causer of emotion: external argument
e. Cause of emotion: external argument (?), or adjunct (met/door) PP

A question that should be raised with respect to the thematic roles in (441)/(442) is whether they can be seen as separate thematic roles assigned by the predicate, comparable to the thematic roles of agent, goal, and theme, or whether they are specific instantiations of these latter roles; cf. Pesetsky (1995: §2) for a defense of the second position. We will not discuss this issue here, but simply describe the syntactic behavior of the arguments carrying these roles and note what facts may be relevant to the issue, leaving it to the reader to decide whether or not e.g. the role of causer should be seen as a special instantiation of the role of agent; cf. Marelj (2013) for a relevant discussion from a semantic perspective.

[+]  II.  Different types of psych-verbs

In keeping with the generalization in (441a), psych-verbs are often classified according to the syntactic function of their experiencer, leading to a distinction between subject-experiencer and object-experiencer psych-verbs. However, the reformulation of this generalization in (442a) suggests that the two groups can be further divided, as shown in Table 13.

Table 13: A classification of psych-verbs
verb type example subsection
Subject experiencer intransitive wanhopen ‘to despair’ 2.5.1.2, sub I
transitive haten ‘to hate’ 2.5.1.2, sub II
monadic unaccusative schrikken ‘to be frightened’ 2.5.1.2, sub III
Object experiencer transitive irriteren ‘to irritate’ 2.5.1.3, sub II
nom-acc irriteren ‘to irritate’
nom-dat
(dyadic unaccusative)
behagen ‘to please’ 2.5.1.3, sub I

Some properties of the two main groups are discussed briefly here. The final column of Table 13 indicates where the various subtypes will be discussed in more detail.

[+]  A.  Subject-experiencer psych-verbs

Subject-experiencer psych-verbs such as vrezento fear in (443) select a nominal or prepositional complement that refers to the target or subject matter of emotion, as in (443a) and (443b), respectively. This shows that subject-experiencer verbs differ from adjectival psych-predicates such as boosangry in that they allow the target of emotion to be realized as a noun phrase.

443
Subject-experiencer psych-verbs
a. JanExp vreest zijn vaderTarget.
  Jan fears his father
b. JanExp vreest voor zijn levenSubjM.
  Jan fears for his life

The examples in (444a&b) show that the subject-experiencer verbs need not be transitive, but can also be intransitive; in this case the target of emotion is realized as a PP-complement. The (c)-examples in (444) show that subject-experiencer verbs can also be monadic unaccusative, can be seen from the fact that the verb schrikkento be frightened takes the auxiliary verb zijnto be in the perfect tense.

444
Types of subject-experiencer psych-verbs
a. ElsExp wanhoopt (aan het slagen van de onderneming).
intransitive PO-verb
  Els despairs of the success of the enterprise
b. JanExp haat dat huiswerk.
transitive
  Jan hates that homework
c. MarieExp schrok.
unaccusative
  Marie got.frightened
  'Marie has become frightened.'
c'. MarieExp is geschrokken.
  Marie has gotten.frightened
  'Marie has become frightened.'
[+]  B.  Object-experiencer psych-verbs

The subject of transitive object-experiencer psych-verbs such as ergerento annoy refers either to an entity that is the causer of the mental state, such as Peter in (445a), or to an entity that functions as the cause, such as die opmerkingenthose remarks in (445b). The causer and the cause can be expressed simultaneously, but then the latter must be in the form of a met-PP, as shown by (445c).

445
Object-experiencer psych-verbs
a. PeterCauser ergert MarieExp.
  Peter annoys Marie
b. Die opmerkingenCause ergeren MarieExp.
  those remarks annoy Marie
c. PeterCauser ergert MarieExp met die opmerkingenCause.
  Peter annoys Marie with those remarks

Since the experiencers of object-experiencer verbs are realized as objects, such verbs must be at least dyadic. Object-experiencer verbs can be subdivided into three subtypes on the basis of properties of their subjects, which are illustrated in (446).

446
Types of object-experiencer psych-verbs
a. PeterCauser ergert MarieExp.
transitive
  Peter annoys Marie
b. Die opmerkingenCause ergeren MarieExp.
nom-acc
  those remarks annoy Marie
c. Zulk onbeleefd gedragObject behaagt henExp niet.
nom-dat
  such impolite behavior pleases them not

The verbs in examples like (446a&b) are often called causative psych-verbs, because the subject functions as a causer/cause. Although both constructions involve the verb ergerento annoy, we will show that the two constructions in (446a&b) behave quite differently in several respects. The construction with a causer subject in (446a) behaves like other kinds of transitive constructions, and we will therefore consider the verb ergeren in this construction as a regular transitive verb. The construction with a cause subject in (446b), on the other hand, shows behavior atypical for transitive constructions: the verb ergeren will therefore not be considered here as a regular transitive verb, but as an instantiation of a special class of so-called nom-acc psych-verbs. A third type of object-experiencer verb is given in (446c); in this case we are dealing with a dyadic unaccusative psych-verb which realizes the experiencer as a dative object. The subject of the nom-dat verb is not a causer/cause, but an object (subject matter/target) of emotion. This is not surprising, since the subject is not an external but an internal argument of the verb, just like the complements of the transitive verbs in (443); cf. the discussion of (442).

[+]  III.  Verb-frame alternations

The study of psych-verbs is greatly complicated by the fact that many of these verbs have verb-frame alternations. This was already illustrated in Subsection II for the verb ergerento annoy, which can take either a causer or a cause as its subject; the relevant examples are repeated here as (447a&b). The situation with this verb is actually even more complex, since it can also be used as an inherently reflexive verb, in which case the experiencer appears as the subject and the verb optionally takes a PP-complement referring to the object (target/subject matter) of emotion. The verb-frame alternation in (447), which is discussed in more detail in Section 2.5.1.3, sub IV, is typical of many verbs that can be used as nom-acc psych-verbs.

447
Verb-frame alternations with nom-acc verbs
a. PeterCauser ergert MarieExp.
transitive
  Peter annoys Marie
b. Die opmerkingenCause ergeren MarieExp.
nom-acc
  those remarks annoy Marie
c. MarieExp ergert zich (aan PeterObj/die opmerkingObj).
inherently reflexive
  Marie annoys refl of Peter/that remark

Other verb-frame alternations are also possible. For example, causative psych-verbs such as kalmerento calm down in (448) have unaccusative counterparts; see Section 3.2.3 for a detailed discussion of this so-called causative-inchoative alternation, which we also find with causative non-psych-verbs such as brekento break. When relevant, the availability of verb-frame alternations is noted in the discussion of object-experiencer verbs in Section 2.5.1.3.

448
Causative-inchoative alternation
a. JanCauser kalmeert zijn dochtertjeExp.
transitive
  Jan calms.down his daughter
b. Die opmerkingenCause kalmeren zijn dochtertjeExp.
nom-acc
  those remarks calm.down his daughter
c. Zijn dochtertjeExp kalmeert.
unaccusative
  his daughter calms.down
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