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35.2.2.Supplementives
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The supplementive use of adpositional phrases is quite restricted. Traditional grammar assumes that only als-phrases and absolute met-constructions are used in this function. Some examples are given in (63); the primeless examples illustrate the relation of “simultaneity” and the primed examples illustrate the relation of material implication; the English translations aim at paraphrasing this difference. We refer the reader to Section A28.3.3 for a detailed discussion of these readings of supplementive phrases.

63
a. Als student was hij lid van de studentenvereniging.
  as a student was he member of the students.union
  'When he was a student, he was a member of the studentsʼ union.'
a'. Als student kan je daar goedkoper eten.
  as a student can one there cheaper eat
  'If you are a student, you can get cheaper food there.'
b. Met krulspelden in zijn haar kwam Jan de kamer binnen.
  with curlers in his hair came Jan the room into
  'Jan entered the room while he had curlers in his hair.'
b'. Met krulspelden in zijn haar voelt Jan zich wat verlegen.
  with curlers in his hair feels Jan REFL. somewhat embarrassed
  'When Jan has curlers in his hair, he feels a little embarrassed.'

We may add to this that predicative PP idioms like in de warconfused and over zijn toerenupset can also be used as supplementives; this should not surprise us, because such PP idioms behave in many respects like adjectives; cf. Section 34.3, sub I.

64
a. Jan stond volkomen in de war op het station.
  Jan stood completely confused at the station
  'Totally confused, Jan stood at the station.'
b. Jan vertrok volkomen over zijn toeren.
  Jan left completely over his toeren
  'Jan left on the verge of a nervous breakdown.'

Although traditional grammar analyzes the spatial adpositional phrases in (65) as adverbial phrases, it seems likely that they can also be used as supplementives. Example (65) is at least threefold ambiguous: (i) it can be the case that Jan was in the garden (while observing the moles in the adjacent meadows), or (ii) that the moles were in the garden (while Jan observed them from the kitchen), or (iii) that the entire eventuality of Jan observing the moles took place in the garden. Since the characteristic of a supplementive is that it is predicated of the subject or direct object of the clause, in the first two readings of (65) we should be dealing with the supplementive use of the adpositional phrase; only in the third reading are we dealing with an adverbially used PP.

65
dat Jan de mollen gisteren in de tuin observeerde.
  that Jan the moles yesterday in the garden observed
'that Jan observed the moles in the garden yesterday.'

The suggestion that spatial adpositional phrases can also be used as supplementives is further supported by the fact that they can express a relation of material implication; cf. the examples in (63). For instance, example (66) can be paraphrased as “when Jan is in school, he is always very obedient”. Since, to the best of our knowledge, the contrast between the supplementive and adverbial reading of spatial adpositional phrases is not described in the literature, we will not discuss it any further.

66
Op school is Jan altijd zeer gehoorzaam.
  at school is Jan always very obedient
'When Jan is at school, he is always very obedient.'

What is extensively described in the literature is the distinction between the supplementive and the adverbial use of the als-phrases; cf. Haeseryn (1997). Consider the examples in (67). In (67a) we have a supplementive als-phrase: the example expresses that Janʼs being a student and Janʼs living in digs took place simultaneously. In (67b), on the other hand, the als-phrase is used as an adverbial phrase expressing a comparison: Jan is living in digs as if he were a student. The two als-phrases differ in that the complement of the supplementive phrase is the bare noun phrase student, while the complement of the adverbial phrase contains an indefinite article: een student. Furthermore, modification by the attributive adjective echt is only possible in the adverbial construction.

67
a. Als (*echte) student woonde hij op kamers.
supplementive
  as true student lived he in rooms
  'When he was a student, he was in digs.'
b. Als een (echte) student woonde hij op kamers.
adverbial
  like a true student lived he in rooms
  'He lived in digs like a (true) student.'

Another difference between the two uses of als-phrases is that the nominal complement of the supplementive phrase does not agree in number with the noun phrase of which it is predicated. In order to obtain the supplementive reading in (68a), the complement of als must be singular, despite the fact that the noun phrase of which the als-phrase is predicated (i.e. the subject of the clause) is plural. The complement of the adverbial phrase in (68b), on the other hand, must also be plural.

68
a. Als student/#studenten woonden zij op kamers.
supplementive
  as student/students lived they in rooms
  'When they were students, they were in digs.'
b. Als studenten/*een student woonden zij op kamers.
adverbial
  like students/a student lived they in rooms
  'They lived in digs like students.'

When the complement of the adverbial phrase denotes a collective, like stelcouple in (67), number agreement is not required for the adverbial reading to occur. The difference between the supplementive and the adverbial use of the als-phrase can again be recognized by the absence or presence of the indefinite article eena.

69
a. Als getrouwd stel leefden zij samen.
supplementive
  as married couple lived they together
  'When they were a married couple, they lived together.'
b. Als een getrouwd stel leefden zij samen.
adverbial
  like a married couple lived they together
  'They lived together as if they were a married couple.'

In the remainder of this section, we will briefly discuss the behavior of the supplementive adpositional phrases with respect to topicalization, scrambling, PP-over-V, and R-extraction. We do not need to say much more about topicalization; the primeless examples in (63) and the (a)-examples in (67) to (69) have already amply demonstrated that topicalization of the supplementive is possible. However, it is more difficult to decide whether scrambling of supplementives is possible, because it is not immediately clear what the base position of the supplementive is. The only thing we know is that it is generated in some position in the middle field of the clause, which is clear from the fact that if the supplementive is not topicalized, it must follow the argument of which it is predicated. In (70a), the supplementive erg aardigvery nice follows both the subject ikI and the object Jan of the clause, and it can be predicated of either of them, although the reading in which the supplementive is predicated of the object Jan is probably the most salient one for most speakers. However, example (70a') clearly shows that an intervening object dat boekthat book does not block the predicative relation between the supplementive als student and the subject ik. Example (70b) shows that if the supplementive precedes the object, it can only be predicated of the subject; this suggests that this order is not the result of scrambling, as scrambling is not expected to change the core meaning of the clause.

70
a. dat ik Jan als student erg aardig vond.
  that I Jan as student very nice considered
  'When Jan was a student, I considered him to be very nice.'
  'When I was a student, I considered Jan to be very nice.'
a'. dat ik dat boek als student erg mooi vond.
  that I that book as student very beautiful considered
  'When I was a student, I considered that book to be very beautiful.'
b. dat ik als student Jan erg aardig vond.
  that I as student Jan very nice considered
  'When I was a student, I considered Jan to be very nice.'

If the conclusion that the difference in meaning between (70a) and (70b) is related to differences in the base position of the supplementive phrase is correct, it must be clear that it would be difficult to establish that they can be scrambled. For completeness, note that example (71a) clearly shows that the base position of the supplementive must precede the complementive.

71
a. dat ik <als student> Jan <als student> erg aardig <*als student> vond.
  that I as student Jan very nice considered

The examples in (72) show that PP-over-V of the supplementive is possible. Like (70a), example (72a) is ambiguous in the sense that the supplementive can be predicated of either the object or the subject of the clause. Again, the reading in which the supplementive is predicated of the object may be the most salient one for some speakers, but (72b) clearly shows that an intervening object does not block the predicative between the supplementive and the subject.

72
a. dat ik Jan erg aardig vond als student.
  that I Jan very nice considered as student
  'When Jan was a student, I liked him very much.'
  'When I was a student, I liked Jan very much.'
b. dat ik dat boek erg mooi vond als student.
  that I that book very beautiful considered as student
  'When I was a student, I considered that book to be very beautiful.'

Finally, the examples in (73) show that R-pronominalization and R-extraction are excluded; this should not surprise us, because als never allows this.

73
a. dat ik Jan als student erg aardig vond.
  that I Jan as student very nice considered
b. * dat ik <er> Jan <er> als erg aardig vond.
  that I there Jan as very nice considered
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