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35.4.3.Non-spatial/temporal PPs
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Non-spatial/temporal adverbial PPs like those in (97) behave like spatial and temporal adverbial PPs: they can be topicalized and undergo PP-over-V, but they do not allow R-extraction.

97
a. dat Jan dankzij haar hulp zijn werk kan afmaken.
  that Jan thanks.to her help his work can finish
  'that Jan can finish his work thanks to her help.'
b. dat de reis vanwege de kou wordt afgelast.
  that the trip because.of the cold is canceled
  'that the trip is canceled because of the cold.'
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[+]  I.  Topicalization

The examples in (98) show that topicalization of a non-spatial/temporal adverbial phrase is possible.

98
a. Dankzij haar hulp kan Jan zijn werk afmaken.
  thanks.to her help can Jan his work finish
b. Vanwege de kou wordt de reis afgelast.
  because of the cold is the trip canceled
[+]  II.  Word order in the middle field of the clause

As with spatial and temporal adverbial phrases, the term scrambling does not apply to non-spatial/temporal adverbial phrases. We can simply assume that such adverbial phrases occupy their base-position in the middle field of the clause. However, the order between the adverbial phrases does matter since it has an impact on the semantics of the clause. This is especially clear when a modal clausal adverb like waarschijnlijk is involved. Consider the examples in (99).

99
a. Jan kan waarschijnlijk dankzij haar hulp zijn werk afmaken.
  Jan can probably thanks.to her help his work finish
  'Jan can probably finish his work thanks to her help.'
a'. Jan kan dankzij haar hulp waarschijnlijk zijn werk afmaken.
  Jan can thanks.to her help probably his work finish
  'Thanks to her help Jan can probably finish his work.'
b. De reis wordt waarschijnlijk vanwege de kou afgelast.
  the trip is probably because.of the cold canceled
  'The trip is probably canceled because of the cold.'
b'. De reis wordt vanwege de kou waarschijnlijk afgelast.
  the trip is because.of the cold probably canceled
  'Because of the cold the trip is probably canceled.'

Semantically, the primeless and primed examples differ as to relative scope of the modal adverb and the adverbial PPs: the adverbial PPs are within the scope of the clausal adverbial in the primeless examples, but not in the primed examples. This brings out the following meaning differences: example (99a) expresses that Jan will finish his work and that this is probably possible thanks to her help, while (99a') expresses that thanks to her help Jan will probably finish his work; example (99b) expresses that the trip will be canceled and that this is probably because of the cold, while (99b') expresses that because of the cold the trip will probably be canceled. The easiest way to explain these differences is to assume that the adverbial phrase can be base-generated in either a position inside or outside the scope of the modal (which would then correspond to the position to the right or the left of the modal, respectively).

[+]  III.  PP-over-V

The examples in (100) show that PP-over-V of the non-spatial/temporal PPs is possible.

100
a. dat Jan zijn werk kan afmaken dankzij haar hulp.
  that Jan his work can finish thanks.to her help
  'that Jan can finish his work thanks to her help.'
b. dat de reis wordt afgelast vanwege de kou.
  that the trip is canceled because.of the cold
  'that the trip is canceled because of the cold.'

If two (non-spatial/temporal) PPs are strictly ordered in the middle field of the clause, the order is reversed under PP-over-V. This is illustrated in (101).

101
a. Jan heeft wegens ziekte van de voorzitter namens de commissie gesproken.
  Jan has because.of illness of the chairman in.name.of the committee spoken
  'Jan spoke on behalf of the committee due to illness of the chairman.'
a'. * Jan heeft namens de commissie wegens ziekte van de voorzitter gesproken.
b. Jan heeft gesproken namens de commissie wegens ziekte van de voorzitter.
b'. * Jan heeft gesproken wegens ziekte van de voorzitter namens de commissie.
[+]  IV.  R-extraction

R-extraction from non-spatial/temporal PPs is generally excluded, because such adverbial PPs usually do not allow the process of R-pronominalization. This is illustrated in (102).

102
a. dat Jan dankzij haar hulp zijn werk kan afmaken.
  that Jan thanks.to her help his work can finish
a'. * dat Jan daar dankzij zijn werk kan afmaken.
  that Jan there thanks.to his work can finish
b. dat de reis vanwege de kou wordt afgelast.
  that the trip because.of the cold is canceled
b'. * dat de reis daar vanwege wordt afgelast.
  that the trip there because is canceled

However, there are a number of PPs which are traditionally considered to be adverbial in nature, but which still allow R-extraction. An example is the instrumental met-PP in (103). We will return to such cases in Section 36.2.1, sub III.

103
a. Jan opende het blik met een schroevendraaier.
  Jan opened the can with a screw driver
b. Jan opende er het blik mee.
  Jan opened there the can with
  'Jan opened the can with it.'
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