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15.2.3.5.Deverbal nouns: summary
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This section briefly recapitulates the main findings concerning the form and position of the inherited arguments of deverbal nouns. For a complete overview of the most common patterns, see the summaries in Sections 15.2.3.1/IF, 15.2.3.2/IIG, 15.2.3.3/IG and 15.2.3.4/IG.

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[+]  I.  Nominalizations derived from intransitive verbs

Table (426) shows that the agent argument of nominalizations derived from an intransitive verb is optionally realized as a postnominal van-PP or, if the agent is [+human], as a prenominal genitive noun phrase/possessive pronoun. The only exceptions are er and bare-inf nouns: er-nouns do not take an agentive argument, because the agent is represented by the suffix –er. With bare-inf nouns, expressing the agent seems to lead to a marginal result at best. The table does not include examples of ing-nominalizations because they do not take intransitive verbs as input.

426 Realization of the agent in nominalizations derived from intransitive verbs
pattern example translation
er N wandelaar walker
det-inf det + N + van-PP het lachen van Jan the laughing by Jan
NPs/pronoun + N Jans/zijn lachen Jan’s/his laughing
bare-inf N + (??van-PP) lachen (??van Jan) laughing (by Jan)
ing
ge N + van-PP het gelach van Jan the laughter of Jan
NPs/pronoun + N Jans/zijn gelach Jan’s/his laughter
[+]  II.  Nominalizations derived from unaccusative verbs

Table (427) shows that the theme argument of nominalizations derived from an unaccusative verb is optionally realized as a postnominal van-PP or, if the agent is [+human], as a prenominal genitive noun phrase/possessive pronoun. With bare-inf nouns, the expression of the theme seems to lead to a marginal result at best. The table does not include er and ge-nominalizations, because these nominalizations do not take unaccusative verbs as input.

427 Realization of the theme in nominalizations derived from unaccusative verbs
pattern unaccusative translation
er
det-inf det + N + van-PP het vallen van Jan the falling of Jan
NPs/pronoun + N Jans/zijn vallen Jan’s/his falling
bare-inf N + (??van-PP) vallen (??van Jan) falling (of children)
ing N + van-PP de komst van Jan the coming of Jan
NPs/pronoun + N Jans/zijn komst Jan’s/his coming
ge
[+]  III.  Nominalizations derived from transitive verbs

In nominalizations derived from a transitive verb, the theme argument is usually obligatorily realized as a postnominal van-PP or a prenominal genitive noun phrase/possessive pronoun. However, ge-nominalizations are special in that they do not allow the theme to be realized as a prenominal genitive noun phrase/possessive pronoun, and inf-nominalizations are special in that they allow the theme to appear as a prenominal accusative noun phrase.

428 Realization of the theme in nominalizations derived from transitive verbs
pattern example translation
er N + van-PP de verzorger van Jan the caregiver of Jan
NPs/pronoun + N Jans/zijn leider Jan’s/his carer
det-inf det + N + van-PP het vernietigen van de stad the destruction of the city
det + NPacc + N (?)het steden vernietigen the destruction of cities
bare-inf N + van-PP (?)vernietigen van steden destroying cities
NP + N steden vernietigen destroying cities
ing N + van-PP de behandeling van Jan the treatment of Jan
NPs/pronoun + N Jans behandeling Jan’s treatment
ge N + van-PP het getreiter van kinderen the bullying of children

The agent cannot be expressed with er and bare-inf nouns, as we have seen for nominalizations derived from intransitive verbs. In the other cases, the agent is usually optional: it can be realized as a postnominal door-PP following the theme, or as a prenominal genitive noun phrase/possessive pronoun. In many cases, both the theme and the agent can be realized as a prenominal genitive noun phrase or possessive pronoun, which can lead to ambiguity.

[+]  IV.  Nominalizations derived from ditransitive verbs

As far as the theme and the agent argument are concerned, these nominalizations behave like those derived from a transitive verb. The recipient argument is always optional and is realized as a postnominal aan-PP, preferably following the theme. The inf-nominalizations are again special in that they allow the recipient to appear as a prenominal dative noun phrase, and also allow the aan-PP to appear in prenominal position. Cases in which all three arguments of a triadic nominalization are realized are rare.

[+]  V.  Nominalizations derived from verbs with a PP-complement

In nominalizations derived from verbs with a PP-complement, the complement is also inherited and preceded by the same preposition as in the verbal construction. Normally, the PP occurs in postnominal position, except in the case of inf-nominalizations, which allow the PP to occur both pre and postnominally.

[+]  VI.  Nominalizations derived from verbs with a complementive

Verbs taking a complementive usually cannot be nominalized, except when the complementive is an als/tot-phrase; then the complementives are realized in postnominal position. Again, inf-nominalizations behave differently: like verbs, they allow other types of complementives, which must appear in prenominal position; predicative als/tot-phrases can be either pre or postnominal.

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