The preposition vanfrom is a directional preposition, indicating the starting point on the implied path. It is therefore not surprising that its complement refers to a location: in (16a) the city of Utrecht is the starting point of the path that ultimately leads to Groningen (the complement of the directional preposition naarto), and in (16b) the location of the cupboard is the starting point of the path that ultimately leads to the door.

Since locations are typically expressed by locational adpositional phrases, it is to be expected that we will also find prepositional or circumpositional phrases as complements of van. Some examples are given in (17), with the adpositional complements in square brackets.

We are really dealing with van-PPs with a PP-complement here, and not with morphologically complex prepositions like vanboven or vanonder: this will be substantiated by the facts discussed in Subsections A-C. Subsection D concludes with a discussion of a number of cases that can easily be confused with van-PPs with a PP-complement.

The preposition vanfrom does not only take locational PPs as its complement; it can also take temporal PPs, such as voor de oorlogbefore the war in (29). As with locational PPs, there are several facts that suggest that we are not dealing with the complex preposition vanvoor. First, example (29b) shows that the temporal PP can be combined with a modifier of “distance”, which intervenes between van and voor. Second, (29c) shows that the temporal PP can undergo R-pronominalization; the R-word intervenes between van and voor and cannot precede van. Third, (29d) shows that the temporal PP can be replaced by the pro-form toenthen. All of this would be unexpected if we were dealing with a compound vanvoor.-

A similar example can be seen in (30a): van takes a PP with the preposition naafter. The examples in (30b-d) show again that we are not dealing with a compound vanna.

Given that temporal clauses introduced by complementizers like voordatbefore and nadatafter usually appear in the same environments as PPs headed by voor and na, it stands to reason that van can also take such clauses as its complement; cf. the primeless examples in (31). Note that the temporal clause must be finite; infinitival clauses, as in the primed examples, lead to unacceptability.

As in its locational reading, temporal vanaffrom does not seem to arise as a result of the selection of a PP complementation, but instead acts like a complex preposition. Example (32b) shows that an R-pronoun cannot intervene between van and af, which is again not sufficient to claim that we are dealing with a compound, since R-extraction does not seem to be possible at all; example (32c) is also unacceptable. However, the fact that af zijn verjaardag cannot be used as a locational/temporal PP in isolation and cannot be replaced by the temporal pro-form toenthen strongly suggests that we are indeed dealing with a compound.

Note that the existence of the circumposition van ... af does not complicate matters in this case, because it never allows R-extraction in its temporal reading: daar van af only has a spatial interpretation.

The preposition totas far as is also a directional preposition, but in contrast to vanfrom it denotes the endpoint of the implied path. As in the case of van, the complement of tot refers to a location; in (33) the city of Groningen is the endpoint of the path.

Example (34a) shows that the preposition tot can also take a locational prepositional phrase. That we are dealing with a PP-complement receives support from the following facts. First, (34a) shows that the locational PP can be combined with a modifier such as vlakjust, which must intervene between tot and the locational preposition voor. Second, the (b)-examples show that the locational PP allows R-pronominalization and that the R-word intervenes between tot and voor; the R-word cannot precede the preposition tot (or its stranded allomorph toe), which would be expected if we were dealing with a compound. Third, example (34c) shows that the PP can be replaced by the locational pro-forms like daarthere and hierhere.

For completeness’ sake, note that the constructions in (34) can be extended by the elements aan and toe, as in (35). These elements can also be used in constructions such as (36), in which case aan can even take two different positions with respect to the reference object het stationthe station; in fact, the two occurrences can occur simultaneously. It is not clear to us what the function of the elements aan and toe is.

Example (37a) shows that the preposition totuntil does not only take locational PPs as its complement, but also temporal PPs. Again, we are not dealing with a complex preposition totvoor, which is clear from the following facts. First, example (37b) shows that the temporal PP voor de oorlog can be modified; the modifier vlakjust intervenes between tot and voor. Second, (37c) shows that the temporal PPs allow R-pronominalization and that the R-word intervenes between tot and voor; the R-word cannot precede tot (or its stranded alternant toe), which would be expected if we were dealing with a compound. Finally, (37d) shows that the temporal PP can be replaced by the pro-form danthen. Note that this phrase tot dan! is also used as a fixed collocation meaning “see you later!”.

A similar case is (38a), where tot takes a PP with the preposition naafter. The examples in (38b-d) show again that we are not dealing with a complex preposition totna.

Since temporal clauses introduced by complementizers like voordatbefore and nadatafter usually appear in the same environment as temporal PPs headed by voor and na, we predict that tot can also take such clauses as its complement. Although the use of finite clauses with the complementizer voordat usually leads to marked results (possibly for semantic reasons), the use of clauses with nadat is perfectly acceptable; cf. example (39a). The use of infinitival temporal clauses seems to be impossible, as is the case with locational clauses; cf. Bennis (1986:32).

The (d)-examples in (37) and (38) may be perhaps somewhat marked, but they improve considerably if we add the elements (aan) toe, as in (40a). This possibility is undoubtedly related to the fact, illustrated in the (b)-examples in (40), that these elements can also be added to the (b)-examples in (37) and (38). Note that, as in (36), the element aan can either precede or follow the reference object de morgenthe morning in (41). Again, in these cases, the function of the elements aan and toe is not clear to us.

The previous subsections have shown that the directional prepositions vanfrom and totuntil can take a (locational or temporal) PP-complement. This might lead us to expect that other directional prepositions behave in a similar way. It does not seem to be the case, however, as shown by the examples in (42) for the directional preposition naarto. That van and tot refer to the starting and endpoint of the path, respectively, is crucial for allowing a PP as a complement.

Nevertheless, the preposition naar can be followed by intransitive prepositions when it is in construction with vanfrom; cf. the examples with the sequence van ... naar ... in (43). The markedness of ??van voor naar bovenfrom the front to the top, some cases of which can be found on the internet, shows that the intransitive adpositions are preferably antonyms, suggesting that we are actually dealing with lexicalized expressions.

In other contexts, van and naar can be followed by intransitive prepositions, but then a remarkable fact is that the preposition is usually followed by the ending -en, pronounced as schwa, unless it ends in a schwa itself (such as boven). Some examples are given in (44); taaladvies.net/naar-voor-of-naar-voren/, to which we refer for further discussion and references, claims that some (especially Belgian) speakers can also use the uninflected form in such contexts.