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23.1. Syntactic uses
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This section exemplifies the syntactic uses of adjectives, which are summarized in Table 1; more comprehensive discussions of these uses are given in the sections indicated in the last column of the table.

Table 1: The syntactic uses of adjectives
1. attributive Chapter 27
2. predicative complementive copular construction Section 28.2
resultative construction
vinden-construction
supplementive Section 28.3
appositive Section 28.4
3. partitive genitive Chapter 29
4. adverbial Chapter 30
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[+]  I.  Attributive use of the adjective

One of the basic syntactic environments in which APs can be found is the prenominal attributive position, as in the examples in (4). When an adjective is used attributively, it usually restricts the reference of the complete noun phrase to those entities denoted by the noun that also have the property denoted by the adjective; the noun phrase in (4a), for example, refers to the subset of boys who are clever; cf. Section 23.3.2.1, sub I, for a more detailed discussion of the semantic contribution of attributively used (hereafter: attributive) adjectives.

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Attributive adjectives
a. (de) slimme jongens
  the clever boys
b. (de) snuggere meisjes
  the brainy girls

Attributive APs do not modify the full noun phrase, but some smaller, intermediate projection of the noun. This is clear from the fact that two coordinated adjective-noun combinations can be associated with a single determiner. The presence of two articles in (5a) shows that we are dealing with the coordination of two full noun phrases; the fact that the coordinated phrase refers to two separate sets, consisting of clever boys and brainy girls respectively, further supports this analysis. The fact that we find only a single article in (5b) strongly suggests that we are dealing with the coordination of some smaller nominal projections, which is supported by the fact that the full phrase refers to a single set of entities consisting of clever boys and brainy girls. See Section N16.3.2.4 for a detailed discussion of the contrast between the one-set and two-set readings of coordinated noun phrases.

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a. [NP [NP de slimme jongens] en [NP de snuggere meisjes]]
  the clever boys and the brainy girls
b. [NP de [[slimme jongens] en [snuggere meisjes]]]
  the clever boys and brainy girls

The ability to occur in the prenominal attributive position seems sufficient to conclude that we are dealing with an adjective. First, the examples in (6) show that modifiers in the form of a PP or a (relative) clause always follow the modified noun.

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a. het <*op de hoek> huis <op de hoek>
  the at the corner house
  'the house on the corner'
b. het <*dat op tafel ligt> boek <*dat op tafel ligt>
  the that on table lies book
  'the book that is lying on the table'

Second, nouns and noun phrases cannot be used as modifiers at all: examples like hoekhuishouse on a corner or bushaltebus stop are morphologically complex forms, as can be seen from the fact that they exhibit the typical intonation contour of compounds, i.e. with stress on the first member.

[+]  II.  Predicative use of the adjective

When an AP is used predicatively, it specifies a property of a noun phrase occurring in the same clause: the copular construction Jan is aardigJan is nice expresses that the property denoted by the adjective aardig applies to the referent of the noun phrase Jan; cf. Section 23.3.2.1, sub I, for a more detailed discussion of the semantics of predicatively used adjectives. As already indicated in Table 1 above, we can distinguish three different types of predicatively used adjectives: complementives, supplementives, and appositives. These uses are briefly introduced in the following three subsections; more detailed discussions are provided in Chapter 28.

[+]  A.  Complementives

Complementive adjectives function as predicates; they are predicated of one of the nominal arguments (subject or direct object) in their clause. The examples in (7) show that in Dutch they usually immediately precede the verb(s) in clause-final position. Three typical constructions with an adjectival predicate are the copular construction, the resultative construction and the vinden-construction in (7).

7
Complementive adjectives
a. dat Jan aardig is.
copular construction
  that Jan nice is
  'that Jan is nice.'
b. dat Jan het gras plat loopt.
resultative construction
  that Jan the grass flat walks
  'that Jan walks the grass flat.'
c. dat Marie Jan aardig acht/vindt.
vinden-construction
  that Marie Jan nice considers
  'that Marie considers Jan nice.'

The complementive adjectives in (7) are part of the VP. This is clear from the fact that the verb and the AP satisfy the constituency test, according to which the position immediately preceding the finite verb in a main clause can only be occupied by a single constituent: the primeless examples in (8) show that the AP can be pied-piped by VP-topicalization. The primed examples show that the AP can also be part of a left-dislocated VP, which must also be a constituent.

8
a. [Aardig zijn] zullen de jongens niet.
  nice be will the boys not
a'. [Aardig zijn], dat zullen de jongens niet.
  nice be that will the boys not
b. [Plat lopen] zal Jan het gras niet.
  flat walk will Jan the grass not
b'. [Plat lopen], dat zal Jan het gras niet.
  flat walk that will Jan the grass not
c. [Dom achten/vinden] zal Marie de kinderen niet.
  stupid consider will Marie the children not
c'. [Dom achten/vinden], dat zal Marie de kinderen niet.
  stupid consider that will Marie the children not

The examples in (9) show that the complementive adjectives in (7) are even a necessary part of the VP: they must be present. A related feature is that the meaning of these adjectives is an inherent part of the meaning expressed by the VP as a whole. For these reasons, we will consider them to be complements of the verb, hence their name complementive adjectives.

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a. dat de jongens *(aardig) zijn.
  that the boys nice are
b. dat Jan het gras *(plat) loopt.
  that Jan the grass flat walks
c. dat Marie de kinderen *(dom) acht/vindt.
  that Marie the children stupid considers

The examples in (10) show that the ability to occur in the predicative position immediately preceding the clause-final verbs is usually not sufficient to conclude that we are dealing with an AP: the examples in (10) show that, at least in examples like (7a&c), the AP can easily be replaced by a predicatively used noun phrase such as een aardige jongen.

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a. dat Jan een aardige jongen is.
  that Jan a kind boy is
b. dat Marie Jan een aardige jongen acht/vindt.
  that Marie Jan a kind boy considers
[+]  B.  Supplementives

Supplementive adjectives differ from complementive adjectives in that they need not be present and do not contribute to the meaning expressed by the VP; instead, supplementives add their own independent meaning to the meaning of the clause. In general, supplementives are predicated of the subject or the direct object of their clause. These two possibilities are illustrated in (11). Note that (11b) is actually ambiguous between a resultative and a supplementive readin; we have opted for the most plausible reading here.

11
Supplementive adjectives
a. Jan streek zijn overhemd (dronken).
  Jan ironed his shirt drunk
  'Jan ironed his shirt (while he was drunk).'
b. Jan streek zijn overhemd (nat).
  Jan ironed his shirt wet
  'Jan ironed his shirt (while it was wet).'

The English paraphrases in (11) are intended to express that the meanings of the VP and the supplementive adjective are relatively independent of each other. In the examples in (11), the semantic relationship between the supplementive and the VP can be loosely defined as “simultaneity”, but Section 28.3 will show that this relationship can be more complex.

As in the case of complementive adjectives, the supplementive and the VP form a constituent. This is clear from the fact, illustrated in (12), that the supplementive can be pied-piped by VP-topicalization and can be part of a left-dislocated VP.

12
a. [Zijn overhemd dronken strijken] (dat) zal Jan niet.
  his shirt drunk iron that will Jan not
b. [Zijn overhemd nat strijken] (dat) zal Jan niet.
  his shirt wet iron that will Jan not

Still, the syntactic relation between the supplementive and the verb (phrase) is of a totally different nature than the syntactic relation between the complementive and the verb: instead of acting as a complement of the main verb, the supplementive adjective acts as an adjunct of the VP. This is especially clear for supplementives that are predicated of an (agentive) subject, like dronken in (11a); example (13) shows that in such cases the supplementive can also be expressed in an en hij doet dat ... clause, which is a sufficient test for assuming adjunct status (see Section 30.2.3 for a detailed discussion of this adverbial test).

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Jan streek zijn overhemd en hij deed dat dronken.
  Jan ironed his shirt and he did that drunk

Example (14) shows that ambiguity can occasionally arise between resultative and supplementive constructions. Chapter 28 will discuss a number of means that can help to distinguish between the two constructions.

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Jan streek zijn overhemd droog.
  Jan ironed his shirt dry
'Jan ironed (i.e. made) his shirt dry.'
resultative
'Jan ironed his shirt, while it was dry.'
supplementive
[+]  C.  Appositives

The notion of appositive is often restricted to nominal modifiers like de voorzitter van onze vereniging in (15), but we will extend the use of this term to the postnominal APs in the (b)-examples of (16), (17) and (18) below.

15
Jan, de voorzitter van onze vereniging, zei ...
  Jan the chairman of our society said

In some respects, appositive adjectives resemble both supplementive and attributive adjectives. Although the linear string of words in (16a) and (16b) is identical, there are reasons to think that we are dealing with a supplementive adjective and an appositive adjective, respectively. First, the examples differ in intonational contour: appositive adjectives are often preceded and followed by brief intonation breaks, indicated by commas in (16b), while this is never the case with supplementives. Second, the two examples also have a distinct difference in meaning; the English renderings show that while the supplementive can be paraphrased by an adjunct clause, the appositive is more appropriately paraphrased by a parenthetic clause.

16
a. dat Jan kwaad een gepeperde brief schreef.
supplementive
  that Jan angry a strong letter wrote
  'that Jan wrote a strong letter, while he was angry.'
b. dat Jan, kwaad, een gepeperde brief schreef.
appositive
  that Jan angry a strong letter wrote
  'that Jan —he was angry— wrote a strong letter.'

The examples in (17) also show that the appositive is part of the noun phrase it modifies, while the supplementive acts as an independent constituent of the clause: in (17a) two independent constituents appear in the first position of the main clause and the sentence is unacceptable as a result, whereas in (17b) only a single (complex) noun phrase precedes the finite verb and the result is fully acceptable.

17
a. * Jan kwaad schreef een gepeperde brief.
supplementive
a'. [NP Jan] [AP kwaad] schreef ...
b. Jan, kwaad, schreef een gepeperde brief.
appositive
b'. [NP [NP Jan] [AP kwaad]] schreef ...

Thus, example (17b) shows that appositives are similar to attributive adjectives in that they are part of a complex noun phrase. However, the primeless examples in (18) show that appositives differ from attributive adjectives in that they must occur postnominally and do not inflect. The primed examples also show that appositives can modify pronouns, whereas attributive adjectives usually cannot.

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a. De kwade man schreef een gepeperde brief.
attributive
  the angry man wrote a strong letter
a'. * De kwade hij schreef een gepeperde brief.
  the angry he wrote a strong letter
b. De man, kwaad, schreef een gepeperde brief.
appositive
  the man angry wrote a strong letter
b'. Hij, kwaad, schreef een gepeperde brief.
  he angry wrote a strong letter

Note that the adjectival appositives in the (b)-examples all have a non-restrictive interpretation. However, they can also be used as restrictors, in which case the first intonation break is missing; cf. Section 28.4, sub II. We have ignored the restrictive cases here because they behave syntactically just like the non-restrictive cases.

[+]  III.  Partitive genitive use of the adjective

The partitive genitive construction is illustrated in (19). It consists of an inanimate existentially quantified pronominal element like ietssomething or nietsnothing, followed by an adjective inflected with the suffix -s. If there is an element that can occur in the second part of this construction, this is sufficient to assume that we are dealing with an adjective. We will not elaborate on this construction here, but refer the reader to Chapter 29 for a detailed discussion.

19
Partitive genitive construction
a. iets bijzonder‑s
  something special
b. niets grappig‑s
  nothing funny
[+]  IV.  Adverbial use of the adjective

Unlike in English, adverbially used adjectives in Dutch are not inflected and are therefore not morphologically distinct from other adjectives; there is no Dutch counterpart to the English suffix -ly. Consequently, we can only conclude that we are dealing with an adverbially used adjective by appealing to the meaning of the construction under discussion, i.e. by determining whether the adjective modifies a noun phrase or an AP, VP or PP. For example, the attributive adjectives geweldig, snel, and diep from the primeless examples in (20) are used adverbially in the primed examples to modify an AP, a VP, and a PP, respectively.

20
Attributive use
Adverbial use
a. een geweldig boek
  a great book
a'. Zijn huis is [AP geweldig groot].
  his house is extremely large
b. een snel besluit
  a fast decision
  'a fast decision'
b'. Hij [VP rende snel naar huis].
  he ran quickly to home
  'He ran home quickly.'
c. een diep gat
  a deep hole
  'a deep hole'
c'. Hij ging [PP diep het bos in].
  he went deep the wood into
  'He went deep into the wood.'

Further discussion of these adverbial uses of adjectives is postponed to Section 23.3.2.1, sub II, and Chapter 30.

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