- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Verbs: Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I: Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 1.0. Introduction
- 1.1. Main types of verb-frame alternation
- 1.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 1.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 1.4. Some apparent cases of verb-frame alternation
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 4.0. Introduction
- 4.1. Semantic types of finite argument clauses
- 4.2. Finite and infinitival argument clauses
- 4.3. Control properties of verbs selecting an infinitival clause
- 4.4. Three main types of infinitival argument clauses
- 4.5. Non-main verbs
- 4.6. The distinction between main and non-main verbs
- 4.7. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb: Argument and complementive clauses
- 5.0. Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 5.4. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc: Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId: Verb clustering
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I: General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II: Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- 11.0. Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1 and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 11.4. Bibliographical notes
- 12 Word order in the clause IV: Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 14 Characterization and classification
- 15 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 15.0. Introduction
- 15.1. General observations
- 15.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 15.3. Clausal complements
- 15.4. Bibliographical notes
- 16 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 16.2. Premodification
- 16.3. Postmodification
- 16.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 16.3.2. Relative clauses
- 16.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 16.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 16.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 16.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 17.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 17.3. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Articles
- 18.2. Pronouns
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Numerals and quantifiers
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Numerals
- 19.2. Quantifiers
- 19.2.1. Introduction
- 19.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 19.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 19.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 19.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 19.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 19.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 19.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 19.5. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Predeterminers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 20.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 20.3. A note on focus particles
- 20.4. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 22 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 23 Characteristics and classification
- 24 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 25 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 26 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 27 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 28 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 29 The partitive genitive construction
- 30 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 31 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- 32.0. Introduction
- 32.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 32.2. A syntactic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.4. Borderline cases
- 32.5. Bibliographical notes
- 33 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 34 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 35 Syntactic uses of adpositional phrases
- 36 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Syntax
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- General
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- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
This section exemplifies the syntactic uses of adjectives, which are summarized in Table 1; more comprehensive discussions of these uses are given in the sections indicated in the last column of the table.
| 1. attributive | Chapter 27 | ||
| 2. predicative | complementive | copular construction | Section 28.2 |
| resultative construction | |||
| vinden-construction | |||
| supplementive | Section 28.3 | ||
| appositive | Section 28.4 | ||
| 3. partitive genitive | Chapter 29 | ||
| 4. adverbial | Chapter 30 | ||
One of the basic syntactic environments in which APs can be found is the prenominal attributive position, as in the examples in (4). When an adjective is used attributively, it usually restricts the reference of the complete noun phrase to those entities denoted by the noun that also have the property denoted by the adjective; the noun phrase in (4a), for example, refers to the subset of boys who are clever; cf. Section 23.3.2.1, sub I, for a more detailed discussion of the semantic contribution of attributively used (hereafter: attributive) adjectives.
| a. | (de) | slimme | jongens | |
| the | clever | boys |
| b. | (de) | snuggere | meisjes | |
| the | brainy | girls |
Attributive APs do not modify the full noun phrase, but some smaller, intermediate projection of the noun. This is clear from the fact that two coordinated adjective-noun combinations can be associated with a single determiner. The presence of two articles in (5a) shows that we are dealing with the coordination of two full noun phrases; the fact that the coordinated phrase refers to two separate sets, consisting of clever boys and brainy girls respectively, further supports this analysis. The fact that we find only a single article in (5b) strongly suggests that we are dealing with the coordination of some smaller nominal projections, which is supported by the fact that the full phrase refers to a single set of entities consisting of clever boys and brainy girls. See Section N16.3.2.4 for a detailed discussion of the contrast between the one-set and two-set readings of coordinated noun phrases.
| a. | [NP [NP | de | slimme | jongens] | en [NP | de | snuggere | meisjes]] | |
| [NP [NP | the | clever | boys | and | the | brainy | girls |
| b. | [NP | de | [[slimme jongens] | en | [snuggere meisjes]]] | |
| [NP | the | clever boys | and | brainy girls |
The ability to occur in the prenominal attributive position seems sufficient to conclude that we are dealing with an adjective. First, the examples in (6) show that modifiers in the form of a PP or a (relative) clause always follow the modified noun.
| a. | het | <*op de hoek> | huis <op de hoek> | |
| the | at the corner | house | ||
| 'the house on the corner' | ||||
| b. | het | <*dat op tafel ligt> | boek <*dat op tafel ligt> | |
| the | that on table lies | book | ||
| 'the book that is lying on the table' | ||||
Second, nouns and noun phrases cannot be used as modifiers at all: examples like hoekhuishouse on a corner or bushaltebus stop are morphologically complex forms, as can be seen from the fact that they exhibit the typical intonation contour of compounds, i.e. with stress on the first member.
When an AP is used predicatively, it specifies a property of a noun phrase occurring in the same clause: the copular construction Jan is aardigJan is nice expresses that the property denoted by the adjective aardig applies to the referent of the noun phrase Jan; cf. Section 23.3.2.1, sub I, for a more detailed discussion of the semantics of predicatively used adjectives. As already indicated in Table 1 above, we can distinguish three different types of predicatively used adjectives: complementives, supplementives, and appositives. These uses are briefly introduced in the following three subsections; more detailed discussions are provided in Chapter 28.
Complementive adjectives function as predicates; they are predicated of one of the nominal arguments (subject or direct object) in their clause. The examples in (7) show that in Dutch they usually immediately precede the verb(s) in clause-final position. Three typical constructions with an adjectival predicate are the copular construction, the resultative construction and the vinden-construction in (7).
| a. | dat | Jan | aardig | is. | copular construction | |
| that | Jan | nice | is | |||
| 'that Jan is nice.' | ||||||
| b. | dat | Jan het gras | plat | loopt. | resultative construction | |
| that | Jan the grass | flat | walks | |||
| 'that Jan walks the grass flat.' | ||||||
| c. | dat | Marie Jan | aardig | acht/vindt. | vinden-construction | |
| that | Marie Jan | nice | considers | |||
| 'that Marie considers Jan nice.' | ||||||
The complementive adjectives in (7) are part of the VP. This is clear from the fact that the verb and the AP satisfy the constituency test, according to which the position immediately preceding the finite verb in a main clause can only be occupied by a single constituent: the primeless examples in (8) show that the AP can be pied-piped by VP-topicalization. The primed examples show that the AP can also be part of a left-dislocated VP, which must also be a constituent.
| a. | [Aardig | zijn] | zullen | de jongens | niet. | |
| nice | be | will | the boys | not |
| a'. | [Aardig | zijn], | dat | zullen | de jongens | niet. | |
| nice | be | that | will | the boys | not |
| b. | [Plat lopen] | zal | Jan het gras | niet. | |
| flat walk | will | Jan the grass | not |
| b'. | [Plat lopen], | dat | zal | Jan het gras | niet. | |
| flat walk | that | will | Jan the grass | not |
| c. | [Dom | achten/vinden] | zal | Marie de kinderen | niet. | |
| stupid | consider | will | Marie the children | not |
| c'. | [Dom | achten/vinden], | dat | zal | Marie de kinderen | niet. | |
| stupid | consider | that | will | Marie the children | not |
The examples in (9) show that the complementive adjectives in (7) are even a necessary part of the VP: they must be present. A related feature is that the meaning of these adjectives is an inherent part of the meaning expressed by the VP as a whole. For these reasons, we will consider them to be complements of the verb, hence their name complementive adjectives.
| a. | dat | de jongens | *(aardig) | zijn. | |
| that | the boys | nice | are |
| b. | dat | Jan het gras | *(plat) | loopt. | |
| that | Jan the grass | flat | walks |
| c. | dat | Marie de kinderen | *(dom) | acht/vindt. | |
| that | Marie the children | stupid | considers |
The examples in (10) show that the ability to occur in the predicative position immediately preceding the clause-final verbs is usually not sufficient to conclude that we are dealing with an AP: the examples in (10) show that, at least in examples like (7a&c), the AP can easily be replaced by a predicatively used noun phrase such as een aardige jongen.
| a. | dat | Jan een aardige jongen | is. | |
| that | Jan a kind boy | is |
| b. | dat | Marie Jan | een aardige jongen | acht/vindt. | |
| that | Marie Jan | a kind boy | considers |
Supplementive adjectives differ from complementive adjectives in that they need not be present and do not contribute to the meaning expressed by the VP; instead, supplementives add their own independent meaning to the meaning of the clause. In general, supplementives are predicated of the subject or the direct object of their clause. These two possibilities are illustrated in (11). Note that (11b) is actually ambiguous between a resultative and a supplementive readin; we have opted for the most plausible reading here.
| a. | Jan streek | zijn overhemd | (dronken). | |
| Jan ironed | his shirt | drunk | ||
| 'Jan ironed his shirt (while he was drunk).' | ||||
| b. | Jan streek | zijn overhemd | (nat). | |
| Jan ironed | his shirt | wet | ||
| 'Jan ironed his shirt (while it was wet).' | ||||
The English paraphrases in (11) are intended to express that the meanings of the VP and the supplementive adjective are relatively independent of each other. In the examples in (11), the semantic relationship between the supplementive and the VP can be loosely defined as “simultaneity”, but Section 28.3 will show that this relationship can be more complex.
As in the case of complementive adjectives, the supplementive and the VP form a constituent. This is clear from the fact, illustrated in (12), that the supplementive can be pied-piped by VP-topicalization and can be part of a left-dislocated VP.
| a. | [Zijn overhemd | dronken | strijken] | (dat) | zal | Jan niet. | |
| his shirt | drunk | iron | that | will | Jan not |
| b. | [Zijn overhemd | nat | strijken] | (dat) | zal | Jan niet. | |
| his shirt | wet | iron | that | will | Jan not |
Still, the syntactic relation between the supplementive and the verb (phrase) is of a totally different nature than the syntactic relation between the complementive and the verb: instead of acting as a complement of the main verb, the supplementive adjective acts as an adjunct of the VP. This is especially clear for supplementives that are predicated of an (agentive) subject, like dronken in (11a); example (13) shows that in such cases the supplementive can also be expressed in an en hij doet dat ... clause, which is a sufficient test for assuming adjunct status (see Section 30.2.3 for a detailed discussion of this adverbial test).
| Jan streek | zijn overhemd | en | hij | deed | dat | dronken. | ||
| Jan ironed | his shirt | and | he | did | that | drunk |
Example (14) shows that ambiguity can occasionally arise between resultative and supplementive constructions. Chapter 28 will discuss a number of means that can help to distinguish between the two constructions.
| Jan streek | zijn overhemd | droog. | |||
| Jan ironed | his shirt | dry | |||
| 'Jan ironed (i.e. made) his shirt dry.' | resultative | ||||
| 'Jan ironed his shirt, while it was dry.' | supplementive | ||||
The notion of appositive is often restricted to nominal modifiers like de voorzitter van onze vereniging in (15), but we will extend the use of this term to the postnominal APs in the (b)-examples of (16), (17) and (18) below.
| Jan, | de voorzitter van onze vereniging, | zei ... | ||
| Jan | the chairman of our society | said |
In some respects, appositive adjectives resemble both supplementive and attributive adjectives. Although the linear string of words in (16a) and (16b) is identical, there are reasons to think that we are dealing with a supplementive adjective and an appositive adjective, respectively. First, the examples differ in intonational contour: appositive adjectives are often preceded and followed by brief intonation breaks, indicated by commas in (16b), while this is never the case with supplementives. Second, the two examples also have a distinct difference in meaning; the English renderings show that while the supplementive can be paraphrased by an adjunct clause, the appositive is more appropriately paraphrased by a parenthetic clause.
| a. | dat | Jan kwaad | een gepeperde brief | schreef. | supplementive | |
| that | Jan angry | a strong letter | wrote | |||
| 'that Jan wrote a strong letter, while he was angry.' | ||||||
| b. | dat | Jan, | kwaad, | een gepeperde brief | schreef. | appositive | |
| that | Jan | angry | a strong letter | wrote | |||
| 'that Jan —he was angry— wrote a strong letter.' | |||||||
The examples in (17) also show that the appositive is part of the noun phrase it modifies, while the supplementive acts as an independent constituent of the clause: in (17a) two independent constituents appear in the first position of the main clause and the sentence is unacceptable as a result, whereas in (17b) only a single (complex) noun phrase precedes the finite verb and the result is fully acceptable.
| a. | * | Jan kwaad schreef een gepeperde brief. | supplementive |
| a'. | [NP Jan] [AP kwaad] schreef ... |
| b. | Jan, kwaad, schreef een gepeperde brief. | appositive |
| b'. | [NP [NP Jan] [AP kwaad]] schreef ... |
Thus, example (17b) shows that appositives are similar to attributive adjectives in that they are part of a complex noun phrase. However, the primeless examples in (18) show that appositives differ from attributive adjectives in that they must occur postnominally and do not inflect. The primed examples also show that appositives can modify pronouns, whereas attributive adjectives usually cannot.
| a. | De kwade man | schreef | een gepeperde brief. | attributive | |
| the angry man | wrote | a strong letter |
| a'. | * | De kwade | hij | schreef | een gepeperde brief. |
| the angry | he | wrote | a strong letter |
| b. | De man, | kwaad, | schreef | een gepeperde brief. | appositive | |
| the man | angry | wrote | a strong letter |
| b'. | Hij, | kwaad, | schreef | een gepeperde brief. | |
| he | angry | wrote | a strong letter |
Note that the adjectival appositives in the (b)-examples all have a non-restrictive interpretation. However, they can also be used as restrictors, in which case the first intonation break is missing; cf. Section 28.4, sub II. We have ignored the restrictive cases here because they behave syntactically just like the non-restrictive cases.
The partitive genitive construction is illustrated in (19). It consists of an inanimate existentially quantified pronominal element like ietssomething or nietsnothing, followed by an adjective inflected with the suffix -s. If there is an element that can occur in the second part of this construction, this is sufficient to assume that we are dealing with an adjective. We will not elaborate on this construction here, but refer the reader to Chapter 29 for a detailed discussion.
| a. | iets | bijzonder‑s | |
| something | special |
| b. | niets | grappig‑s | |
| nothing | funny |
Unlike in English, adverbially used adjectives in Dutch are not inflected and are therefore not morphologically distinct from other adjectives; there is no Dutch counterpart to the English suffix -ly. Consequently, we can only conclude that we are dealing with an adverbially used adjective by appealing to the meaning of the construction under discussion, i.e. by determining whether the adjective modifies a noun phrase or an AP, VP or PP. For example, the attributive adjectives geweldig, snel, and diep from the primeless examples in (20) are used adverbially in the primed examples to modify an AP, a VP, and a PP, respectively.
| a. | een | geweldig | boek | |
| a | great | book |
| a'. | Zijn huis | is [AP | geweldig | groot]. | |
| his house | is | extremely | large |
| b. | een | snel | besluit | |||||
| a | fast | decision | ||||||
| 'a fast decision' | ||||||||
| b'. | Hij [VP | rende | snel | naar huis]. | ||||
| he | ran | quickly | to home | |||||
| 'He ran home quickly.' | ||||||||
| c. | een | diep | gat | ||||||
| a | deep | hole | |||||||
| 'a deep hole' | |||||||||
| c'. | Hij | ging [PP | diep | het bos | in]. | ||||
| he | went | deep | the wood | into | |||||
| 'He went deep into the wood.' | |||||||||
Further discussion of these adverbial uses of adjectives is postponed to Section 23.3.2.1, sub II, and Chapter 30.