The set of adjectives appearing in the partitive construction is neither equivalent to the set of adjectives appearing in the predicative construction, nor to the set of adjectives appearing in the attributive construction. The following sets of adjectives may occur attributively and predicatively but not partitively:

• adjectives selecting [+ANIMATE] entities cannot function as partitive adjectives

The absence of such adjectives is related to the fact that the set of indefinite quantifiers found in the partitive adjective construction is [-ANIMATE]. For example, the indefinite human pronoun nemens ‘nobody’ is barred from this construction. As all animate quantifiers are disallowed, so are all adjectives referring to animate entities.

A heterogenuous set of adjectives is not able to carry partitive flection. Put differently, they are unable to enter the partitive adjective construction. Examples come from the following categories:

• Adjectives that are loanwords terminating in a vowel.
• Adjectives ending in the suffix –sk.
• Geographical adjectives in –er.
• Superlative adjectives.
• Substance adjectives like holten ‘wooden'
• Emotional evaluative relative adjectives like ferdjuweld ‘damned’ and ferdöikerd ‘darned’

In the following example, a partitive adjective built on –sk is avoided by using an attributive construction with a vague nominal head like Kroam ‘mess’.

A translation into German would in all likelihood have featured a partitive construction: ‘Wer hat so etwas Neumodisches überhaupt eingeführt’. This may also be a matter of register. Anyhow, –sk adjectives lack partitive forms, in Saterland Frisian and West Frisian alike. Moreover, these adjectives also lack superlative forms. Comparatives are somewhat unusual, but possible as partitives, both in West Frisian and in Saterland Frisian.

Native words in schwa may have a partitive as in the following idiomatic example:

Remember that this adjective has a special form in –t, which is used for the neuter singular in the attributive construction, but also in the predicative construction and also when used as an adverbial. Interestingly, this form may also show up in the partitive adjective construction:

Although superlative adjectives do not occur in the partitive construction, comparative adjectives do. These forms are interferences from Low German, which have their own history.

In an attributive construction, adjectives can be stacked, that is, more than one adjective can be concatenated, as in ‘beautiful big wide skirts’. Stacking is not possible in the partitive adjective construction: only one adjective is allowed (in the absence of conjunctions).

Partitive adjectives may be modified by a high degree word, an intensifier like heel ‘very’.

Partitive inflection is –es in Saterland Frisian, rather than –s like in West Frisian. This inflection is obligatory in the partitive adjective construction. The relevant inflection is not inflection in the sense that it is sensitive to some sort of agreement feature that determines whether the inflection is present or not. It is an example of constructional inflection. In this construction, the inflection is always present, so there is no paradigm. In this respect, partitive inflection may be likened to the inflection which converts an adjective into a noun, that is, nominalizing inflection, which has the added feature that it must be indefinite.