- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Verbs: Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I: Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 1.0. Introduction
- 1.1. Main types of verb-frame alternation
- 1.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 1.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 1.4. Some apparent cases of verb-frame alternation
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 4.0. Introduction
- 4.1. Semantic types of finite argument clauses
- 4.2. Finite and infinitival argument clauses
- 4.3. Control properties of verbs selecting an infinitival clause
- 4.4. Three main types of infinitival argument clauses
- 4.5. Non-main verbs
- 4.6. The distinction between main and non-main verbs
- 4.7. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb: Argument and complementive clauses
- 5.0. Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 5.4. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc: Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId: Verb clustering
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I: General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II: Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- 11.0. Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1 and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 11.4. Bibliographical notes
- 12 Word order in the clause IV: Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 14 Characterization and classification
- 15 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 15.0. Introduction
- 15.1. General observations
- 15.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 15.3. Clausal complements
- 15.4. Bibliographical notes
- 16 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 16.2. Premodification
- 16.3. Postmodification
- 16.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 16.3.2. Relative clauses
- 16.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 16.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 16.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 16.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 17.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 17.3. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Articles
- 18.2. Pronouns
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Numerals and quantifiers
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Numerals
- 19.2. Quantifiers
- 19.2.1. Introduction
- 19.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 19.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 19.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 19.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 19.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 19.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 19.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 19.5. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Predeterminers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 20.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 20.3. A note on focus particles
- 20.4. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 22 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 23 Characteristics and classification
- 24 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 25 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 26 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 27 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 28 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 29 The partitive genitive construction
- 30 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 31 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- 32.0. Introduction
- 32.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 32.2. A syntactic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.4. Borderline cases
- 32.5. Bibliographical notes
- 33 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 34 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 35 Syntactic uses of adpositional phrases
- 36 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Syntax
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- General
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- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
Section V5.2 has shown that Dutch has three types of infinitival complement clauses, which are illustrated in (69). The first type is the infinitival accusativus cum infinitivo construction, which occurs as the complement of perception verbs like ziento see and the causative/permissive verb latento make/let. The second and the third type are characterized by the presence of the infinitival marker teto; they often occur in the same position, but differ in the presence/absence of the preposition-like element om (often glossed as for, but different from it by in that it lacks the ability to assign case to the subject of the infinitival clause). Since bare infinitives like (69a) never occur as the complement of a preposition, this section will focus below on the te-infinitives in (69b&c); PRO stands for the implied subject of the infinitival clause.
| a. | Jan | zag | [Peter vertrekken]. | |
| Jan | saw | Peter leave |
| b. | Hij | beloofde | Marie [PRO | op tijd | te vertrekken]. | |
| he | promised | Marie | on time | to leave |
| c. | Hij | beloofde | Marie | [om PRO | op tijd | te vertrekken]. | |
| he | promised | Marie | om | on time | to leave |
The status of om in (69c) is unclear; some regard it as an infinitival complementizer, others as a regular preposition. The first position seems the most plausible one. First, like the complementizer datthat, om seems to have no clear semantic content; both are merely used to introduce embedded clauses. Second, the verb belovento promise in (69c) usually cannot select an om-PP; cf. Jan beloofde Marie (*om) het boekhe promised Marie the book. Finally, the examples in (70) show that, like dat, om also occurs when an anticipatory pronominal PP is present.
| a. | dat | Marie | er | naar verlangt | [(om) PRO | op vakantie | te gaan]. | |
| that | Marie | there | for longs | comp | on vacation | to go |
| b. | dat | Marie | er | tegenop | ziet | [(om) | te moeten verhuizen]. | |
| that | Marie | there | against | sees | comp | to must move | ||
| 'that Marie dreads the idea of having to move.' | ||||||||
For these reasons, we will assume that om is a complementizer. If it should turn out that, despite the above arguments, the element om is a preposition, we must conclude that it is not a preposition selected by the verb beloven in (69c) or the prepositions naar and tegen in (70). Having established that om+te-infinitivals are not (selected) PPs, we can proceed to discuss the question as to whether te-infinitives can occur as complements of temporal or non-temporal adverbial PPs; we will start with the first case.
There are only two types of temporal infinitival clauses: the first type expresses the anteriority relation before, as in (71a), and the second the posteriority relation after, as in (71b); temporal infinitival clauses expressing the relation of Simultaneity do not exist.
| a. | Alvorens | (*om) PRO | te vertrekken, | kuste | Jan | zijn vader. | |
| before | comp | to leave | kissed | Jan | his father | ||
| 'Jan kissed his father before leaving.' | |||||||
| b. | Na | (*om) | zijn vader | gekust | te hebben, | vertrok | Jan. | |
| after | comp | his father | kissed | to have | left | Jan | ||
| 'After having kissed his father, Jan left.' | ||||||||
If we assume that om is a complementizer, the unacceptability of (71a) with om present can be accounted for by assuming that alvorens is also a complementizer. This would imply that the two elements compete for the same position, of which only one can be realized (viz. the one with semantic content). To get the same result for (71b), we must assume that na is also a complementizer. For proponents of the complementation analysis of nadatafter, the same result could be obtained by claiming that infinitival clauses have no (overtly realized) complementizer, and that om, alvorens and na are all prepositions. But this would leave us with the problems mentioned below example (69).
The examples in (72) show that some of the sequences of the form P + dat listed in (68) have infinitival counterparts consisting only of P. Proponents of the complex-complementizer analysis of doordat are likely to analyze the elements door, in plaats van and zonder as complementizers. For proponents of one of the alternative analyses, these cases are regular prepositions taking an infinitival clause (without om) as their complement.
| a. | [Door PRO | hard | te werken] | werd | Marie een belangrijk wetenschapper. | |
| by | hard | to work | became | Marie an important scientist | ||
| 'Marie became an important scientist by working hard.' | ||||||
| b. | [In plaats van PRO | te werken] | zit | Jan te luieren. | |
| instead of | to work | sits | Jan to loaf | ||
| 'Jan is being idle instead of working.' | |||||
| c. | [Zonder PRO | iets | te vragen] | pakte | Marie een koekje. | |
| without | something | to ask | took | Marie a biscuit | ||
| 'Marie took a biscuit without asking.' | ||||||