• Dutch
  • Frisian
  • Saterfrisian
  • Afrikaans
Show all
33.4.2.Te-infinitival clauses
quickinfo

Section V5.2 has shown that Dutch has three types of infinitival complement clauses, which are illustrated in (69). The first type is the infinitival accusativus cum infinitivo construction, which occurs as the complement of perception verbs like ziento see and the causative/permissive verb latento make/let. The second and the third type are characterized by the presence of the infinitival marker teto; they often occur in the same position, but differ in the presence/absence of the preposition-like element om (often glossed as for, but different from it by in that it lacks the ability to assign case to the subject of the infinitival clause). Since bare infinitives like (69a) never occur as the complement of a preposition, this section will focus below on the te-infinitives in (69b&c); PRO stands for the implied subject of the infinitival clause.

69
a. Jan zag [Peter vertrekken].
  Jan saw Peter leave
b. Hij beloofde Marie [PRO op tijd te vertrekken].
  he promised Marie on time to leave
c. Hij beloofde Marie [om PRO op tijd te vertrekken].
  he promised Marie om on time to leave

The status of om in (69c) is unclear; some regard it as an infinitival complementizer, others as a regular preposition. The first position seems the most plausible one. First, like the complementizer datthat, om seems to have no clear semantic content; both are merely used to introduce embedded clauses. Second, the verb belovento promise in (69c) usually cannot select an om-PP; cf. Jan beloofde Marie (*om) het boekhe promised Marie the book. Finally, the examples in (70) show that, like dat, om also occurs when an anticipatory pronominal PP is present.

70
a. dat Marie er naar verlangt [(om) PRO op vakantie te gaan].
  that Marie there for longs comp on vacation to go
b. dat Marie er tegenop ziet [(om) te moeten verhuizen].
  that Marie there against sees comp to must move
  'that Marie dreads the idea of having to move.'

For these reasons, we will assume that om is a complementizer. If it should turn out that, despite the above arguments, the element om is a preposition, we must conclude that it is not a preposition selected by the verb beloven in (69c) or the prepositions naar and tegen in (70). Having established that om+te-infinitivals are not (selected) PPs, we can proceed to discuss the question as to whether te-infinitives can occur as complements of temporal or non-temporal adverbial PPs; we will start with the first case.

[+]  1.  Temporal clauses

There are only two types of temporal infinitival clauses: the first type expresses the anteriority relation before, as in (71a), and the second the posteriority relation after, as in (71b); temporal infinitival clauses expressing the relation of Simultaneity do not exist.

71
a. Alvorens (*om) PRO te vertrekken, kuste Jan zijn vader.
  before comp to leave kissed Jan his father
  'Jan kissed his father before leaving.'
b. Na (*om) zijn vader gekust te hebben, vertrok Jan.
  after comp his father kissed to have left Jan
  'After having kissed his father, Jan left.'

If we assume that om is a complementizer, the unacceptability of (71a) with om present can be accounted for by assuming that alvorens is also a complementizer. This would imply that the two elements compete for the same position, of which only one can be realized (viz. the one with semantic content). To get the same result for (71b), we must assume that na is also a complementizer. For proponents of the complementation analysis of nadatafter, the same result could be obtained by claiming that infinitival clauses have no (overtly realized) complementizer, and that om, alvorens and na are all prepositions. But this would leave us with the problems mentioned below example (69).

[+]  2.  Non-temporal clauses

The examples in (72) show that some of the sequences of the form P + dat listed in (68) have infinitival counterparts consisting only of P. Proponents of the complex-complementizer analysis of doordat are likely to analyze the elements door, in plaats van and zonder as complementizers. For proponents of one of the alternative analyses, these cases are regular prepositions taking an infinitival clause (without om) as their complement.

72
a. [Door PRO hard te werken] werd Marie een belangrijk wetenschapper.
  by hard to work became Marie an important scientist
  'Marie became an important scientist by working hard.'
b. [In plaats van PRO te werken] zit Jan te luieren.
  instead of to work sits Jan to loaf
  'Jan is being idle instead of working.'
c. [Zonder PRO iets te vragen] pakte Marie een koekje.
  without something to ask took Marie a biscuit
  'Marie took a biscuit without asking.'
readmore
References:
    report errorprintcite