- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Verbs: Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I: Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 1.0. Introduction
- 1.1. Main types of verb-frame alternation
- 1.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 1.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 1.4. Some apparent cases of verb-frame alternation
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 4.0. Introduction
- 4.1. Semantic types of finite argument clauses
- 4.2. Finite and infinitival argument clauses
- 4.3. Control properties of verbs selecting an infinitival clause
- 4.4. Three main types of infinitival argument clauses
- 4.5. Non-main verbs
- 4.6. The distinction between main and non-main verbs
- 4.7. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb: Argument and complementive clauses
- 5.0. Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 5.4. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc: Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId: Verb clustering
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I: General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II: Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- 11.0. Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1 and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 11.4. Bibliographical notes
- 12 Word order in the clause IV: Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 14 Characterization and classification
- 15 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 15.0. Introduction
- 15.1. General observations
- 15.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 15.3. Clausal complements
- 15.4. Bibliographical notes
- 16 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 16.2. Premodification
- 16.3. Postmodification
- 16.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 16.3.2. Relative clauses
- 16.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 16.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 16.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 16.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 17.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 17.3. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Articles
- 18.2. Pronouns
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Numerals and quantifiers
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Numerals
- 19.2. Quantifiers
- 19.2.1. Introduction
- 19.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 19.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 19.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 19.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 19.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 19.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 19.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 19.5. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Predeterminers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 20.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 20.3. A note on focus particles
- 20.4. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 22 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 23 Characteristics and classification
- 24 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 25 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 26 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 27 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 28 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 29 The partitive genitive construction
- 30 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 31 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- 32.0. Introduction
- 32.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 32.2. A syntactic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.4. Borderline cases
- 32.5. Bibliographical notes
- 33 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 34 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 35 Syntactic uses of adpositional phrases
- 36 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Syntax
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- General
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- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
We need to distinguish between finite and infinitival argument clauses. The examples in (16) show that the choice depends on the matrix verb: while propositional verbs like zeggento say or bewerento claim can take either a finite or an infinitival clause, an irrealis verb such as proberento try is only compatible with an infinitival clause. Note that we assume that the infinitival clauses in the primed examples contain a phonetically empty pronominal element PRO, which functions as the implied subject of the infinitival clause; we will discuss this element in more detail in Section 4.3.
| a. | Jan beweert/zegt | [dat | hij | morgen | komt]. | finite clause | |
| Jan claims/says | that | he | tomorrow | comes | |||
| 'Jan claims that he will come tomorrow.' | |||||||
| a'. | Jan beweert /zegt [PRO | morgen | te komen]. | te-infinitival | |
| Jan claims/says | tomorrow | to come | |||
| 'Jan claims to come tomorrow.' | |||||
| b. | * | Jan probeert | [dat | hij | morgen | komt]. | finite clause |
| Jan tries | that | he | tomorrow | comes |
| b'. | Jan probeert [PRO | morgen | te komen]. | te-infinitival | |
| Jan tries | tomorrow | to come | |||
| 'Jan tries to come tomorrow.' | |||||
Replacing finite interrogative clauses with infinitival ones does not always seem to be possible. Although example (17a') is acceptable, it belongs to a more formal register; in colloquial speech we only find more or less fixed forms such as Hij vroeg me wat te doenhe asked me what he should do, and Vos (1994:148) shows that such infinitival clauses are also common as independent expressions, e.g. in instructions such as Wat te doen in het geval van brandWhat to do in case of fire, or as rhetorical questions. Example (17b') is also acceptable, but the verb introduces a request, rather than a question.
| a. | Jan vroeg | me | [hoe | hij | die auto | kon | repareren]. | finite clause | |
| Jan asked | me | how | he | that car | could | repair | |||
| 'Jan asked me how he could repair that car.' | |||||||||
| a'. | Jan vroeg me | [hoe PRO | die auto | te repareren]. | te-infinitival | |
| Jan asked me | how | that car | to repair |
| b. | Jan vroeg | Marie | [of | ze | kwam]. | finite clause | |
| Jan asked | Marie | whether | she | came | |||
| 'Jan asked | |||||||
| (= inquired from) Marie whether she would come.' | |||||||
| b'. | Jan vroeg | Marie [PRO | te komen]. | te-infinitival | |
| Jan asked | Marie | to come | |||
| 'Jan asked (= requested from) Marie to come.' | |||||
That the verb determines the form of the argument clause is also clear from the examples in (18), which show that while perception verbs such as ziento see can take either a finite or an infinitival complement clause, the causative/permission verb laten only allows infinitival clauses.
| a. | Jan zag [dat | Marie | vertrok]. | finite clause | |
| Jan saw that | Marie | left |
| a'. | Jan zag | [Marie | (*te) | vertrekken]. | bare infinitival | |
| Jan saw | Marie | to | leave | |||
| 'Jan saw Marie leave.' | ||||||
| b. | * | Jan laat | [dat | Marie | vertrekt]. | finite clause |
| Jan lets | that | Marie | leaves |
| b'. | Jan laat | [Marie | (*te) | vertrekken]. | bare infinitival | |
| Jan lets | Marie | to | leave |
A comparison of the primed examples in (18) with those in (16) shows us that the verb also determines the type of infinitival clause; while the verbs in (16) take te-infinitivals, the verbs in (18) take bare infinitivals (i.e. without te). Section 5.2 will provide a brief introduction to the different types of infinitival clauses.
There seem to be only few verbs that can be combined with a finite but not with an infinitival declarative object clause. Manner of speech verbs seem to prefer a finite clause as their complement, but judgments about the corresponding infinitival constructions seem to vary from case to case and from person to person. This is also evident from a Google search (3/16/2012) on the string [Vfinite * te zullen] for various tense forms of the matrix verbs roepento call, schreeuwento yell and huilento cry. While there are many examples of these verbs with a finite declarative clause, our search yielded only a small number of cases in which they were followed by an infinitival clause. We found a relatively large number of examples such as (19a') with the verb roepen, but only two examples such as (19b') with the verb schreeuwen, and no examples such as (19c') with the verb huilento cry. Nevertheless, all the primed examples seem to be passable for at least some of the speakers we consulted.
| a. | Hij | riep | jarenlang | [dat | hij | nooit | zou | trouwen]. | |
| he | called | for.years | that | he | never | would | marry | ||
| 'He called for years that he would never marry.' | |||||||||
| a'. | Hij | riep | jarenlang [PRO | nooit | te zullen | trouwen]. | |
| he | called | for.years | never | to will | marry |
| b. | Ze | schreeuwden | [dat | ze | hem | zouden | vermoorden]. | |
| they | yelled | that | they | him | would | kill | ||
| 'They yelled that they would kill him.' | ||||||||
| b'. | % | Ze | schreeuwden [PRO | hem | te | zullen | vermoorden]. |
| they | yelled | him | to | will | kill |
| c. | Het jongetje | huilde | [dat | hij | gevallen | was]. | |
| the boy | cried | that | he | fallen | was | ||
| 'The boy cried that he had fallen.' | |||||||
| c'. | % | Het jongetje | huilde [PRO | gevallen | te zijn]. |
| the boy | cried | fallen | to be |
At first glance, the (a)-examples in (20) seem to contradict the claim that there are few verbs that can be combined only with a finite declarative clause, but the (b)-examples show that we should be careful not to jump to conclusions.
| a. | Jan merkte/ontdekte | [dat | hij | loog]. | |
| Jan noticed/discovered | that | he | lied |
| a'. | $ | Jan merkte/ontdekte [PRO | te liegen]. |
| Jan noticed/discovered | to lie |
| b. | Jan merkte/ontdekte | [dat | hij | honger had]. | |
| Jan noticed/discovered | that | he | hunger had | ||
| 'Jan noticed/discovered that he was hungry.' | |||||
| b'. | Jan merkte/ontdekte [PRO | honger te hebben]. | |
| Jan noticed/discovered | hunger to have | ||
| 'Jan noticed/discovered that he was hungry.' | |||
The contrast between the two primed examples seems to be related to the preferred interpretation of the implied subject PRO of the infinitival clause. First, consider the primeless examples with a finite clause: the most prominent reading of (20a) is that Jan noticed or discovered something about someone else, i.e. the subject pronoun hijhe of the embedded clause is preferably interpreted as referring to a person not mentioned in the sentence; example (20b), on the other hand, is also compatible with a reading in which Jan noticed or discovered something about himself, i.e. in which the subject pronoun hij takes the subject of the matrix clause as its antecedent. The contrast between the primed examples can now be explained by referring to the fact that the implied subject PRO of the infinitival clause differs from the subject pronoun hij in that it must be interpreted as coreferential with the subject of the matrix clause. This makes the interpretation of (20a') as unusual as that of (20a) in the reading in which the pronoun hij is taken to be coreferential with the subject of the matrix clause. See Section 4.3 for a brief introduction to the restrictions on the interpretation of the PRO-subject of infinitival argument clauses.
It seems that, besides the restrictions imposed by the interpretation of PRO, there are several other factors that can affect the acceptability of infinitival argument clauses. For instance, the examples in (21) suggest that the verb voorkomento prevent can only select finite clauses; the pronoun hij in the (a)-examples can easily be interpreted as coreferential with the subject of the main clause, but nevertheless the primed examples are severely degraded.
| a. | Jan | voorkwam | net op tijd | [dat | hij | zijn bril | vermorzelde]. | |
| Jan | prevented | just in time | that | he | his glasses | crushed | ||
| 'Jan prevented just in time that he crushed his glasses.' | ||||||||
| a'. | *? | Jan | voorkwam | net op tijd [PRO | zijn bril | te vermorzelen]. |
| Jan | prevented | just in time | his glasses | to crush |
| b. | Jan | voorkwam | net op tijd | [dat | hij | viel]. | |
| Jan | prevented | just in time | that | he | fell | ||
| 'Jan prevented just in time that he fell.' | |||||||
| b'. | *? | Jan | voorkwam | net op tijd [PRO | te vallen]. |
| Jan | prevented | just in time | to fall |
The examples in (22), on the other hand, show that the primed examples improve a greatly when we add an adverbial phrase indicating causality or manner.
| a. | (?) | Jan voorkwam | hierdoor | net op tijd [PRO | zijn bril | te vermorzelen]. |
| Jan prevented | by.this | just in time | his glasses | to crush |
| b. | (?) | Jan | voorkwam | zo | net op tijd [PRO | te vallen]. |
| Jan | prevented | thus | just in time | to fall |
The primed examples in (23), which are adaptations of sentences found on the internet, further show that such examples become even better when the embedded clause is a passive or copular construction. Note that the relevant issue is not that the subjects of passive and copular constructions are internal arguments, since the same applies to the subjects of unaccusative verbs such as vallento fall in the marked (b)-examples above.
| a. | Hierdoor | voorkwam | hij | [dat | hij | gedeporteerd | werd | naar Duitsland]. | |
| by.this | prevented | he | that | he | deported | was | to Germany | ||
| 'In this way he prevented that he was deported to Germany.' | |||||||||
| a'. | Hierdoor | voorkwam | hij [PRO | gedeporteerd | te worden | naar Duitsland]. | |
| by.this | prevented | he | deported | to be | to Germany |
| b. | Zo | voorkwam | ik | [dat | ik | zeeziek | werd]. | |
| thus | prevented | I | that | I | seasick | became | ||
| 'In this way I prevented that I became seasick.' | ||||||||
| b'. | Zo | voorkwam | ik [PRO | zeeziek | te worden]. | |
| thus | prevented | I | seasick | to become |
Although there are other possible problems with the claim that there are few (if any) verbs that can be combined with a finite but not an infinitival declarative clause, we will conclude by pointing out one last case, viz. the contrast between the two examples in (24). The reason why (24a) has no infinitival counterpart may simply be that it is an idiomatic expression (listed as such in dictionaries); the possibilities for substituting the finite clause in (24a) are very limited.
| a. | Ik | maakte | [dat | ik | wegkwam]. | |
| I | made | that | I | away-came | ||
| 'I got out as quickly as I could.' | ||||||
| b. | * | Ik maakte [PRO | weg | te komen]. |
| I made | away | to come |
The examples in (25) suggest that there are also few verbs that can be combined with a finite but not with an infinitival prepositional object clause: the (a)-examples show that verbs such as verwachtento expect, which normally take finite PO-clauses, also allow infinitival complements. On the other hand, verbs such as vragento request, which normally take infinitival PO-clauses, yield a degraded result with a finite complement clause.
| a. | Jan verwacht | [dat | hij | wordt | uitgenodigd]. | |
| Jan expects | that | he | is | prt-invited | ||
| 'Jan expects that he will be invited.' | ||||||
| a'. | Jan verwacht [PRO | uitgenodigd | te worden]. | |
| Jan expects | prt.-invited | to be | ||
| 'Jan expects to be invited.' | ||||
| b. | Jan vraagt | Marie [PRO | te vertrekken]. | |
| Jan asks | Marie | to leave | ||
| 'Jan asks Marie to leave.' | ||||
| b'. | ?? | Jan | vraagt | Marie | [dat | zij | vertrekt]. |
| Jan | asks | Marie | that | she | leaves |
To our knowledge, the factors affecting the acceptability of infinitival argument clauses have not been studied in detail, but we tentatively conclude, on the basis of the discussion above, that verbs that select a finite declarative argument clause can usually also take an infinitival clause, but not necessarily vice versa. Future research will have to show whether this conclusion is tenable.