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4.2.Finite and infinitival argument clauses
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We need to distinguish between finite and infinitival argument clauses. The examples in (16) show that the choice depends on the matrix verb: while propositional verbs like zeggento say or bewerento claim can take either a finite or an infinitival clause, an irrealis verb such as proberento try is only compatible with an infinitival clause. Note that we assume that the infinitival clauses in the primed examples contain a phonetically empty pronominal element PRO, which functions as the implied subject of the infinitival clause; we will discuss this element in more detail in Section 4.3.

16
a. Jan beweert/zegt [dat hij morgen komt].
finite clause
  Jan claims/says that he tomorrow comes
  'Jan claims that he will come tomorrow.'
a'. Jan beweert /zegt [PRO morgen te komen].
te-infinitival
  Jan claims/says tomorrow to come
  'Jan claims to come tomorrow.'
b. * Jan probeert [dat hij morgen komt].
finite clause
  Jan tries that he tomorrow comes
b'. Jan probeert [PRO morgen te komen].
te-infinitival
  Jan tries tomorrow to come
  'Jan tries to come tomorrow.'

Replacing finite interrogative clauses with infinitival ones does not always seem to be possible. Although example (17a') is acceptable, it belongs to a more formal register; in colloquial speech we only find more or less fixed forms such as Hij vroeg me wat te doenhe asked me what he should do, and Vos (1994:148) shows that such infinitival clauses are also common as independent expressions, e.g. in instructions such as Wat te doen in het geval van brandWhat to do in case of fire, or as rhetorical questions. Example (17b') is also acceptable, but the verb introduces a request, rather than a question.

17
a. Jan vroeg me [hoe hij die auto kon repareren].
finite clause
  Jan asked me how he that car could repair
  'Jan asked me how he could repair that car.'
a'. Jan vroeg me [hoe PRO die auto te repareren].
te-infinitival
  Jan asked me how that car to repair
b. Jan vroeg Marie [of ze kwam].
finite clause
  Jan asked Marie whether she came
  'Jan asked
  (= inquired from) Marie whether she would come.'
b'. Jan vroeg Marie [PRO te komen].
te-infinitival
  Jan asked Marie to come
  'Jan asked (= requested from) Marie to come.'

That the verb determines the form of the argument clause is also clear from the examples in (18), which show that while perception verbs such as ziento see can take either a finite or an infinitival complement clause, the causative/permission verb laten only allows infinitival clauses.

18
a. Jan zag [dat Marie vertrok].
finite clause
  Jan saw that Marie left
a'. Jan zag [Marie (*te) vertrekken].
bare infinitival
  Jan saw Marie to leave
  'Jan saw Marie leave.'
b. * Jan laat [dat Marie vertrekt].
finite clause
  Jan lets that Marie leaves
b'. Jan laat [Marie (*te) vertrekken].
bare infinitival
  Jan lets Marie to leave

A comparison of the primed examples in (18) with those in (16) shows us that the verb also determines the type of infinitival clause; while the verbs in (16) take te-infinitivals, the verbs in (18) take bare infinitivals (i.e. without te). Section 5.2 will provide a brief introduction to the different types of infinitival clauses.

There seem to be only few verbs that can be combined with a finite but not with an infinitival declarative object clause. Manner of speech verbs seem to prefer a finite clause as their complement, but judgments about the corresponding infinitival constructions seem to vary from case to case and from person to person. This is also evident from a Google search (3/16/2012) on the string [Vfinite * te zullen] for various tense forms of the matrix verbs roepento call, schreeuwento yell and huilento cry. While there are many examples of these verbs with a finite declarative clause, our search yielded only a small number of cases in which they were followed by an infinitival clause. We found a relatively large number of examples such as (19a') with the verb roepen, but only two examples such as (19b') with the verb schreeuwen, and no examples such as (19c') with the verb huilento cry. Nevertheless, all the primed examples seem to be passable for at least some of the speakers we consulted.

19
a. Hij riep jarenlang [dat hij nooit zou trouwen].
  he called for.years that he never would marry
  'He called for years that he would never marry.'
a'. Hij riep jarenlang [PRO nooit te zullen trouwen].
  he called for.years never to will marry
b. Ze schreeuwden [dat ze hem zouden vermoorden].
  they yelled that they him would kill
  'They yelled that they would kill him.'
b'. % Ze schreeuwden [PRO hem te zullen vermoorden].
  they yelled him to will kill
c. Het jongetje huilde [dat hij gevallen was].
  the boy cried that he fallen was
  'The boy cried that he had fallen.'
c'. % Het jongetje huilde [PRO gevallen te zijn].
  the boy cried fallen to be

At first glance, the (a)-examples in (20) seem to contradict the claim that there are few verbs that can be combined only with a finite declarative clause, but the (b)-examples show that we should be careful not to jump to conclusions.

20
a. Jan merkte/ontdekte [dat hij loog].
  Jan noticed/discovered that he lied
a'. $ Jan merkte/ontdekte [PRO te liegen].
  Jan noticed/discovered to lie
b. Jan merkte/ontdekte [dat hij honger had].
  Jan noticed/discovered that he hunger had
  'Jan noticed/discovered that he was hungry.'
b'. Jan merkte/ontdekte [PRO honger te hebben].
  Jan noticed/discovered hunger to have
  'Jan noticed/discovered that he was hungry.'

The contrast between the two primed examples seems to be related to the preferred interpretation of the implied subject PRO of the infinitival clause. First, consider the primeless examples with a finite clause: the most prominent reading of (20a) is that Jan noticed or discovered something about someone else, i.e. the subject pronoun hijhe of the embedded clause is preferably interpreted as referring to a person not mentioned in the sentence; example (20b), on the other hand, is also compatible with a reading in which Jan noticed or discovered something about himself, i.e. in which the subject pronoun hij takes the subject of the matrix clause as its antecedent. The contrast between the primed examples can now be explained by referring to the fact that the implied subject PRO of the infinitival clause differs from the subject pronoun hij in that it must be interpreted as coreferential with the subject of the matrix clause. This makes the interpretation of (20a') as unusual as that of (20a) in the reading in which the pronoun hij is taken to be coreferential with the subject of the matrix clause. See Section 4.3 for a brief introduction to the restrictions on the interpretation of the PRO-subject of infinitival argument clauses.

It seems that, besides the restrictions imposed by the interpretation of PRO, there are several other factors that can affect the acceptability of infinitival argument clauses. For instance, the examples in (21) suggest that the verb voorkomento prevent can only select finite clauses; the pronoun hij in the (a)-examples can easily be interpreted as coreferential with the subject of the main clause, but nevertheless the primed examples are severely degraded.

21
a. Jan voorkwam net op tijd [dat hij zijn bril vermorzelde].
  Jan prevented just in time that he his glasses crushed
  'Jan prevented just in time that he crushed his glasses.'
a'. *? Jan voorkwam net op tijd [PRO zijn bril te vermorzelen].
  Jan prevented just in time his glasses to crush
b. Jan voorkwam net op tijd [dat hij viel].
  Jan prevented just in time that he fell
  'Jan prevented just in time that he fell.'
b'. *? Jan voorkwam net op tijd [PRO te vallen].
  Jan prevented just in time to fall

The examples in (22), on the other hand, show that the primed examples improve a greatly when we add an adverbial phrase indicating causality or manner.

22
a. (?) Jan voorkwam hierdoor net op tijd [PRO zijn bril te vermorzelen].
  Jan prevented by.this just in time his glasses to crush
b. (?) Jan voorkwam zo net op tijd [PRO te vallen].
  Jan prevented thus just in time to fall

The primed examples in (23), which are adaptations of sentences found on the internet, further show that such examples become even better when the embedded clause is a passive or copular construction. Note that the relevant issue is not that the subjects of passive and copular constructions are internal arguments, since the same applies to the subjects of unaccusative verbs such as vallento fall in the marked (b)-examples above.

23
a. Hierdoor voorkwam hij [dat hij gedeporteerd werd naar Duitsland].
  by.this prevented he that he deported was to Germany
  'In this way he prevented that he was deported to Germany.'
a'. Hierdoor voorkwam hij [PRO gedeporteerd te worden naar Duitsland].
  by.this prevented he deported to be to Germany
b. Zo voorkwam ik [dat ik zeeziek werd].
  thus prevented I that I seasick became
  'In this way I prevented that I became seasick.'
b'. Zo voorkwam ik [PRO zeeziek te worden].
  thus prevented I seasick to become

Although there are other possible problems with the claim that there are few (if any) verbs that can be combined with a finite but not an infinitival declarative clause, we will conclude by pointing out one last case, viz. the contrast between the two examples in (24). The reason why (24a) has no infinitival counterpart may simply be that it is an idiomatic expression (listed as such in dictionaries); the possibilities for substituting the finite clause in (24a) are very limited.

24
a. Ik maakte [dat ik wegkwam].
  I made that I away-came
  'I got out as quickly as I could.'
b. * Ik maakte [PRO weg te komen].
  I made away to come

The examples in (25) suggest that there are also few verbs that can be combined with a finite but not with an infinitival prepositional object clause: the (a)-examples show that verbs such as verwachtento expect, which normally take finite PO-clauses, also allow infinitival complements. On the other hand, verbs such as vragento request, which normally take infinitival PO-clauses, yield a degraded result with a finite complement clause.

25
a. Jan verwacht [dat hij wordt uitgenodigd].
  Jan expects that he is prt-invited
  'Jan expects that he will be invited.'
a'. Jan verwacht [PRO uitgenodigd te worden].
  Jan expects prt.-invited to be
  'Jan expects to be invited.'
b. Jan vraagt Marie [PRO te vertrekken].
  Jan asks Marie to leave
  'Jan asks Marie to leave.'
b'. ?? Jan vraagt Marie [dat zij vertrekt].
  Jan asks Marie that she leaves

To our knowledge, the factors affecting the acceptability of infinitival argument clauses have not been studied in detail, but we tentatively conclude, on the basis of the discussion above, that verbs that select a finite declarative argument clause can usually also take an infinitival clause, but not necessarily vice versa. Future research will have to show whether this conclusion is tenable.

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