- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Verbs: Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I: Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 1.0. Introduction
- 1.1. Main types of verb-frame alternation
- 1.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 1.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 1.4. Some apparent cases of verb-frame alternation
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 4.0. Introduction
- 4.1. Semantic types of finite argument clauses
- 4.2. Finite and infinitival argument clauses
- 4.3. Control properties of verbs selecting an infinitival clause
- 4.4. Three main types of infinitival argument clauses
- 4.5. Non-main verbs
- 4.6. The distinction between main and non-main verbs
- 4.7. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb: Argument and complementive clauses
- 5.0. Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 5.4. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc: Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId: Verb clustering
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I: General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II: Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- 11.0. Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1 and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 11.4. Bibliographical notes
- 12 Word order in the clause IV: Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 14 Characterization and classification
- 15 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 15.0. Introduction
- 15.1. General observations
- 15.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 15.3. Clausal complements
- 15.4. Bibliographical notes
- 16 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 16.2. Premodification
- 16.3. Postmodification
- 16.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 16.3.2. Relative clauses
- 16.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 16.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 16.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 16.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 17.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 17.3. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Articles
- 18.2. Pronouns
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Numerals and quantifiers
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Numerals
- 19.2. Quantifiers
- 19.2.1. Introduction
- 19.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 19.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 19.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 19.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 19.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 19.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 19.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 19.5. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Predeterminers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 20.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 20.3. A note on focus particles
- 20.4. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 22 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 23 Characteristics and classification
- 24 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 25 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 26 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 27 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 28 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 29 The partitive genitive construction
- 30 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 31 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- 32.0. Introduction
- 32.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 32.2. A syntactic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.4. Borderline cases
- 32.5. Bibliographical notes
- 33 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 34 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 35 Syntactic uses of adpositional phrases
- 36 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Syntax
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- General
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- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
Circumpositional phrases are generally spatial in nature, and R-pronominalization is quite productive. In what follows, we group the examples according to the second member of the circumposition.
As is shown in (77), circumpositional phrases with aan as their second member can be easily pronominalized.
| a. | De kinderen | liepen | achter de optocht | aan. | |
| the children | walked | behind the parade | aan | ||
| 'The children followed the parade.' | |||||
| a'. | De kinderen liepen er achter aan. |
| b. | Jan liep | tegen de ladder | aan. | |
| Jan walked | against the ladder | aan | ||
| 'Jan ran into the ladder.' | ||||
| b'. | Jan liep er tegen aan. |
Adpositional phrases headed by van ... affrom also allow pronominalization. However, it should be noted that the van + NP part of the construction can also be replaced by an R-word, as in the perhaps slightly marginal example (78c).
| a. | Jan sprong | van het dak | af. | |
| Jan jumped | from the roof | af | ||
| 'Jan jumped from the roof.' | ||||
| b. | Jan sprong er van af. |
| b'. | (?) | Jan sprong er af. |
The examples in (79) show that R-pronominalization of circumpositional phrases with door as their second member give rise to perfectly acceptable results.
| a. | Jan reed | onder de brug | door. | |
| Jan drove | under the bridge | door | ||
| 'Jan drove underneath the bridge.' | ||||
| a'. | Jan reed er onder door. |
| b. | Jan reed | tussen de bomen | door. | |
| Jan rode | between the trees | door | ||
| 'Jan rode through the trees.' | ||||
| b'. | Jan reed er tussen door. |
Circumpositional phrases with heen as their second member, on the other hand, show mixed behavior: usually R-pronominalization is fine, but in the case of langs ... heenalong, which is already somewhat marked, the result is degraded;. For completeness, recall that the circumposition om ... heenaround differs from the preposition omaround in that the latter cannot undergo R-pronominalization; cf. example (42).
| a. | Jan liep | door/om/?langs | het huis | heen. | |
| Jan walked | through/around/along | the house | heen | ||
| 'Jan walked through/around/along the house.' | |||||
| a'. | Jan liep er door/om/*?langs heen. |
| b. | Jan sprong | over het hek | heen | |
| Jan jumped | over the gate | heen | ||
| 'Jan jumped over the gate.' | ||||
| b'. | Jan sprong er over heen. |
Note in passing that this case is complicated by the fact that there is a somewhat obsolete preposition langsheen (still in use in other varieties of Dutch) with the same meaning as langsalong. Speakers who use this preposition may find examples such as Jan liep er langsheen impeccable, but this is of course irrelevant to the present discussion of the circumposition langs ... heen
The examples in (81) show that circumpositional phrases with in as their second member are again fully compatible with R-pronominalization.
| a. | Jan zwom | tegen | de stroom | in. | |
| Jan swam | against | the current | in | ||
| 'Jan swam against the current.' | |||||
| a'. | Jan zwom er tegen in. |
| b. | Jan zit | tussen | twee meisjes | in. | |
| Jan sits | between | two girls | in | ||
| 'Jan is sitting between two girls.' | |||||
| b'. | Jan zit er tussen in. |
The same seems to hold true for circumpositional phrases with langs as their second member, although the resulting structures in (82b') may feel somewhat uncomfortable; this may be due to the fact that the circumpositions boven/onder ... langs are not very common either.
| a. | Jan liep | achter/voor | het huis | langs. | |
| Jan walked | behind/in.front.of | the house | langs | ||
| 'Jan walked along the back/front of the house.' | |||||
| a'. | Jan liep er achter/voor langs. |
| b. | Jan liep | boven/onder | de brug | langs. | |
| Jan walked | above/under | the bridge | langs | ||
| 'Jan walked above/down along the bridge.' | |||||
| b'. | (?) | Jan liep er boven/onder langs. |
Note that the primed examples become fully acceptable when er is omitted, which shows that achterlangs, voorlangs, onderlangs and bovenlangs do occur as complex (intransitive) prepositions.
Circumpositional phrases with om as a second member seem to be exceptional in that they do not easily allow R-pronominalization; the primed examples in (83) are at best marginally acceptable. Note that these examples also become fully acceptable when er is omitted, showing that achterom, voorom, and buitenom can be used as intransitive adpositions; perhaps the degraded status of the primed examples is related to this.
| a. | Jan liep | achter/voor | het huis | om. | |
| Jan walked | behind/in.front.of | the house | om | ||
| 'that Jan walked around the back/front of the house.' | |||||
| a'. | ?? | Jan liep er achter/voor om. |
| b. | De waterleiding | loopt | buiten | het huis | om. | |
| the waterworks | go | outside | the house | om | ||
| 'The waterworks go around the exterior of the house.' | ||||||
| b'. | ?? | De waterleiding loopt er buiten om. |
Circumpositional phrases with tegen ... opagainst are again fully compatible with R-pronominalization.
| a. | Marie klom | tegen de muur | op. | |
| Marie climbed | against the wall | op | ||
| 'Marie climbed up against the wall.' | ||||
| a'. | Marie klom er tegen op. |
Circumpositional phrases with toe as the second member, as in (85), behave ambiguously. First, the (a)-examples show that R-pronominalization is perfectly acceptable with circumpositional phrases headed by naar ... toeto, which as such is remarkable in view of the fact, illustrated in (46), that directional PPs headed by the preposition naarto do not allow R-pronominalization. Second, the (b)-examples show that R-pronominalization of circumpositional phrases headed by tot ... toeup to is not possible. What lies behind this contrast is unclear: it is tempting to assume that the sequence of the two occurrences of toe is relevant, but the fact that we find the same in (86b') below suggests that there may be a deeper explanation.
| a. | Marie gaat | naar die film | toe. | |
| Marie goes | to that movie | toe | ||
| 'Marie goes to that movie.' | ||||
| a'. | Marie gaat er naar toe. |
| b. | De stenen liggen | tot de heg | toe. | |
| the stones lie | until the hedge | toe | ||
| 'The stones extend to the hedge.' | ||||
| b'. | * | De stenen liggen er toe toe. |
For completeness’ sake, recall that Section 33.2.1, sub III, has argued that example (86a) does not involve a circumposition tot aan ... toe; instead, we are dealing with the preposition tot, which takes as its complement a circumpositional positional phrase headed by the circumposition aan... toe. Example (86b) shows that this circumpositional phrase allows R-pronominalization, although the strong form daar in (86b) cannot be replaced by the phonetically weak form er. Example (86b') shows that extraction of the R-word from the complete tot-PP, as a result of which tot should get the stranded form toe, leads to an unacceptable result.
| a. | De stenen liggen | tot | aan de heg | toe. | |
| the stones lie | until | to the hedge | toe |
| b. | De stenen liggen tot daar aan toe. |
| b'. | * | De stenen liggen daar toe aan toe. |
R-pronominalization is productive for circumpositional phrases with uit as their second member. We provide some examples in (87); R-pronominalization of PPs headed by achter/tussen/voor ... uit (lit.: behind/between/in.front.of ... out) leads to equally acceptable results.
| a. | De vlag | stak | boven | de huizen | uit. | |
| the flag | stuck | above | the houses | out | ||
| 'The flag stuck out above the houses.' | ||||||
| a'. | De vlag stak er boven uit. |
| b. | De jurk | stak | onder de jas | uit. | |
| the dress | stuck | under the coat | out | ||
| 'The dress protruded from under (was slightly longer than) the coat.' | |||||
| b'. | De jurk stak er onder uit. |
The (a) and (b)-examples in (88) show that circumpositional phrases with vandaan as their second member are usually compatible with R-pronominalization. The circumposition om ... vandaan is perhaps an exception, which may be due to the fact that this formation is restricted to the (somewhat marginal) phrase om de hoek vandaan.
| a. | De muis | kwam | achter/voor/onder | de kast | vandaan. | |
| the mouse | came | behind/in.front.of/under | the cupboard | vandaan | ||
| 'The mouse came from behind/in front of/under the cupboard.' | ||||||
| a'. | De muis kwam er achter/voor/onder vandaan. |
| b. | Marie haalde | het geheime document | tussen de rommel | vandaan. | |
| Marie got | the secret document | between the trash | vandaan | ||
| 'Marie got the secret document from between the trash.' | |||||
| b'. | Marie haalde het geheime document er tussen vandaan. |
| c. | ? | Jan kwam | om de hoek | vandaan. |
| Jan came | around the corner | vandaan | ||
| 'Jan came from around the corner.' | ||||
| c. | *? | Jan kwam er om vandaan. |
Section 33.2.1, sub I, has argued that example (89a) does not involve a circumposition van achter … vandaan; instead, we are dealing with the preposition van, which takes as its complement a circumpositional positional phrase headed by the circumposition achter ... vandaan. The two (b)-examples show that this circumpositional phrase allows R-pronominalization, but that the R-word must remain within the PP headed by van.
| a. | De muis | kwam | van | achter de kast | vandaan. | |
| the mouse | came | from | behind the cupboard | vandaan | ||
| 'The mouse came from behind the cupboard.' | ||||||
| b. | De muis kwam van er/daar achter vandaan. |
| b'. | ?? | De muis kwam er/daar van achter vandaan. |