The examples in (131) show that the sequence achter de optocht aan behaves like a circumpositional phrase: omission and pronominalization of the string achter de optocht are impossible, topicalization of achter de optocht aan is somewhat marked but seems possible, and PP-over-V is excluded. Finally, adnominal use of achter de optocht aan is possible.

The sequence tegen de ladder aan in (132) behaves in essentially the same way, and we are again justified in assuming that we are dealing with a circumposition.

The primeless examples in (133) show that the sequence P + NP is not easily topicalized, but the primed examples show that wh-movement in questions seems to yield a perfectly acceptable result.

This again shows that the ban on topicalization of the P + NP sequence is not of a syntactic nature. This conclusion is supported by the examples in (134), which show that the location verb staanto stand and the change-of-location verb zettento put do allow topicalization of the P + NP sequence. It is not clear to us what causes the contrasts between the primeless examples in (133) and the examples in (134).

Not all sequences of the form P + NP + aan can be analyzed as circumpositional phrases. Consider the cases in (135a) and (136a), which do not involve circumpositions, but clearly involve the particle verb aan trekkento put on, preceded by the prepositional phrases over zijn klerenover his clothes and onder zijn togaunderneath his gown. There are several clues that support this. First, aan can be used as a verbal particle; the (a)-examples show that dropping the sequence P + NP does not affect the core meaning of the clause. Second, the sequence P + NP + aan cannot be topicalized as a whole, i.e. the phrases over zijn kleren and onder zijn toga cannot be pied-piped by topicalization of the element aan. Third, the phrases over zijn kleren and onder zijn toga can be placed in clause-final position as a result of PP-over-V. Finally, the sequence P + NP + aan cannot be used in adnominal position.

Note in passing that Helmantel (2002: appendix) rates cases like (137a&b) as grammatical. In these cases, we cannot assume aan to be a particle, because the verb dragento wear cannot be combined with the particle aan in the intended reading. We are not sure whether the inclusion of these examples is justified, because we accept the examples in (137a&b) only without the particle (which we have indicated by using the percentage sign). For completeness, note that Helmantel also considers example (137c) acceptable: the percentage sign indicates that we think it is the circumposition voor ... uit that would normally be used in this case.

The sequences van ... affrom and op ... aftowards are the only circumpositions with af as the second member. Example (138) shows that the sequence van het dak affrom the roof satisfies all tests for circumpositionhood, although the result of the pronominalization test in (138b) is not as clear as one might hope, because there is competition from an alternative structure, dat Jan er/daar van af sprong, in which only the noun phrase het dak is pronominalized, not the P + NP string van het dak. What may also play a role is that topicalization of the string van het dak may be somewhat degraded, as shown in the (c)-examples; note, however, that wh-movement of the interrogative phrase van welk dak is perfectly acceptable.

In (139) we give similar examples for the sequence op het hert af. The number sign indicates that example (139b) is acceptable with the meaning “that the tiger jumped off it”; the intended meaning may again be blocked by competition of dat de tijger daar op af sprong, in which only the noun phrase het hert is pronominalized.

The results in (138) and (139) do not imply that the sequence van + NP + af must always be analyzed as a circumpositional phrase. In (140) we are clearly dealing with the particle verb aftrekkento deduct preceded by an (optional) van-PP: (i) the string van het loon cannot be pronominalized; (ii) the sequence van het loon af cannot be placed in clause-initial position, while the van-PP can be topicalized in isolation without any problem; (iv) the van-PP can also be placed after the particle verb by PP-over-V; (v) adnominal use of the string van het loon af is impossible.

Sequences of the type onder de brug door in (141a) seem to function as well-behaved circumpositional phrases, although some discussion seems to be necessary. Example (141a) shows that the sequence onder de brug can be omitted, but only at the cost of a change of meaning; (141a) then gets the meaning “to drive on”. Example (141b) is also acceptable, but it involves R-extraction from a prepositional door-phrase, and not pronominalization of onder + NP, as is clear from its interpretation “to drive through it”; pronominalization of only the noun phrase is possible, as in dat Jan daar onder door reed. Topicalization of the full sequence onder + NP + door (141c') is somewhat marked, but not impossible. In contrast, topicalization of the sequence onder + NP is in (141c') is only marginally possible, with the meaning “to drive on” and the topicalized phrase acting as an adverbial PP of place; wh-movement in questions, on the other hand, yields a perfectly acceptable result on the intended reading. As expected, PP-over-V is excluded and the sequence onder + NP + door can be used adnominally.

The examples in (142) show that sequences of the type tussen ... door behave in all respects similarly to those of the type onder ... door in (141). Note that (142b) may be blocked in the intended reading by the competition of dat Jan daar tussen door reed, with pronominalization of only the noun phrase de bomen.

The sequence om de boom heen in (143a) seems to function as a well-behaved circumpositional phrase. The sequence om de boom can marginally be omitted, but this changes the meaning of the example: heen must then be interpreted as “away” and the marked status of the resulting sentence is due to the fact that this use of heen has an archaic flavor. Example (143b) is also acceptable, but again this has an effect on the meaning: ergens heen rijden gets the interpretation “to go somewhere/to someone” (cf. Section 32.3.1.4, sub 4); again this may be related to the acceptability of dat Jan daar om heen reed, in which only the noun phrase de boom is pronominalized. The (c)-examples show that topicalization of the whole sequence om de boom heen is marked, but acceptable. Topicalization of the sequence om de boom, on the other hand, leads to a degraded result, while wh-movement in questions is fully acceptable. Finally, the examples in (143d&e) show that PP-over-V is excluded and that adnominal use of the sequence om de boom heen is possible. Other sequences of the form P + NP + heen behave in the same way.

The sequence tussen die twee meisjes in in (144) also behaves like a circumpositional phrase. Example (144a) shows that it is impossible to omit the string tussen die twee meisjes. Example (144b) is grammatical, but is clearly derived from a prepositional phrase headed by in: Jan is said to be in a reference object, e.g. a car. As before, the intended reading may be blocked by the competing structure dat Jan daar tussen in zit, with pronominalization of only the noun phrase de meisjes. Topicalization of the whole sequence tussen die twee meisjes in is acceptable, whereas topicalization of tussen die twee meisjes is degraded; as usual, wh-movement in questions is fully acceptable. Furthermore, PP-over-V is excluded and the adnominal use of the sequence tussen die meisjes in is fully acceptable. The sequence tegen + NP + in behaves similarly in all respects.

The sequence achter het huis langs in (145a) behaves like a circumpositional phrase. Example (145a) is excluded without achter het huis. Example (145b) is grammatical, but only if it is derived from a prepositional phrase headed by langs, as in dat de muur langs het huis looptthat the wall runs along the side of the house; topicalization of only the noun phrase het huis, resulting in dat het muurtje daar achter langs loopt, is again possible. The status of the examples in (145c&c') is as expected, but surprisingly the wh-question in (145c'') also seems to be degraded. As expected, PP-over-V is excluded and adnominal use of the sequence achter het huis langs is possible. The other circumpositions with langs as the second member behave similarly.

The examples in (146) show that langs can also be used as a verbal particle, especially with the verbs komento come and gaanto go, and with verbs of traversing such as rijdento drive. The meaning of the particle verb is something like “to stop by/to visit”. These particle verbs optionally take a bij-PP expressing the goal of the visit. That examples such as (146a) do not involve a circumposition, but rather the particle langs preceded by a bij-PP, is clear from the following facts. Examples (146a&b) show that the bij-PP can be omitted and pronominalized without changing the core meaning of the sentence. The (c)-examples in (146) show that topicalization of the sequence bij + NP must strand langs. Finally, example (146d) shows that the bij-PP can be placed after the particle langs by PP-over-V.

The sequence achter het huis om in (147a) also behaves like a circumpositional phrase. The part achter het huis can be omitted, but this results in a change of meaning to “to make a detour”. Example (147b) is perhaps marginally acceptable, but then it is clearly related to a construction with an adpositional phrase headed by the preposition om; topicalization of only the noun phrase het huis, resulting in dat het muurtje daar achter om loopt, is again possible. The judgments on the (c)-examples are again as expected, although the wh-question in (147c'') may be slightly marked. Finally, the examples in (147d&e) show that PP-over-V is excluded and that the sequence achter het huis om can be used adnominally. Other circumpositions with om as the second member behave similarly to achter ... om.

The sequence tegen de muur op in (148) functions as a well-behaved circumpositional phrase. The part tegen de muur can be omitted, but this leads to a different (idiomatic) meaning: “to climb the corporate ladder”. The construction in (148b) is acceptable, but it is clearly related to a construction with a prepositional phrase headed by op: it is expressed that Jan climbed on some object. The competing construction with topicalization of only the noun phrase de muur, resulting in dat Marie daar tegen op klom, is again possible. The judgments on wh-movement of the P + NP string in topicalization and wh-constructions in the (c)-examples are as usual. PP-over-V is excluded, and adnominal use of the sequence tegen de muur op is possible.

The results in (148) do not imply that the sequence tegen + NP + op is always a circumpositional phrase. In (149) we clearly have a particle verb op zien which takes a tegen-PP as an obligatory complement. Example (149b) shows that the PP tegen de ontmoeting cannot be pronominalized (which is due to the fact that it is not locational); pronominalization of only the noun phrase de ontmoeting, as in dat Marie daar tegen op zag, is possible as usual. The fact that the particle op must be stranded under topicalization and can be followed by the sequence tegen de ontmoeting op as a result of PP-over-V clearly shows that we are not dealing with a circumposition.

The sequence naar de markt toe in (150) behaves in every respect like a circumpositional phrase. The string naar de markt cannot be omitted or pronominalized, although pronominalization of only the noun phrase the market is again possible, as in dat Marie daar naar toe gaat. The judgments on wh-movement in the (c)-examples are as usual, PP-over-V of the string naar de markt is excluded, and adnominal use of the whole sequence naar de markt toe is possible.

However, the examples in (129) have already shown that not all sequences of the form P ... toe can be considered circumpositional: the string aan een borrel toe in Ik ben aan een borrel toeI need a drink must be analyzed as a PP followed by a verbal particle. We refer the reader to Section 32.3.2, sub III, for a case where tot takes a PP-complement.

The sequence onder haar jas uit in (151a) also behaves like a circumpositional phrase. First, the part onder haar jas cannot be omitted or pronominalized. Note that although (151b) is acceptable without onder, it is clearly related to a construction with an adpositional phrase headed by the preposition uit, as it simply expresses that the hem of her coat is sticking out of something; pronominalization of only the noun phrase haar jas is possible, as in dat de voering daar onder uit hing/stak. Wh-movement of the P + NP string in the topicalization and wh-constructions in the (c)-examples are all marked, but show the generally attested contrasts. The impossibility of PP-over-V is expected. However, the adnominal use of the sequence onder haar jas uit is somewhat marked. The other circumpositions with uit as the second member behave similarly to onder ... uit.

Note that uit hangen/steken can also be used as a particle verb, as in (152a). This means that (152b) is ambiguous between a reading involving a particle verb and an adverbially used PP, and a reading involving a predicatively used circumpositional phrase.

The examples in (153) show that the sequence achter de bomen vandaan seems to behave like a circumpositional phrase in most respects. The only anomaly is that pronominalization of the PP seems to be possible. However, it should be noted that daar vandaan komen acts as an antonym of daar heen gaan, which was shown to be an idiomatic expression in Section 32.3.1.4, sub 4. Therefore, it seems plausible that daar vandaan komen is also an idiomatic expression.