PPs always occur following the noun, as illustrated below:

PPs may restrict the denotation of the NP. From this it follows that they can occur with negative quantifiers:

In order to obtain a non-restrictive interpretation with a negative NP, the disjunct of ‘or’ must be used. This conjunction quantifies over all values of the PP. In the example below, these values are possible places:

The quantifier uursainewaindewai ‘anywhere else’ has a fascinating internal structure. The first part is uurs ‘else, other’. The second part originally derives from an existential quantifier of place meaning ‘somewhere, anywhere’. This quantifier *aine ‘somewhere, anywhere’ is now extinct as an independent word, and only survives in ainewainde ‘somewhere’. Thus the first two stems in this quantifier are the equivalent of West Frisian oarsearne ‘somewhere else’, German sonstwo ‘somewhere else’. It is followed by wai ‘to’, which originally must have had the meaning ‘away, from’, like in Old Frisian and Modern West Frisian. So far so good. But the question arises why the second and third stem ainewai ‘to somewhere’ is reduplicated, giving us a quantifier consisting of five stems: uurs + aine + wai + ain(d)e + wai. The question also arises where the -d- in the reduplicated part comes from, and of course, the question arises whether the analysis proposed above is correct at all. These questions are relevant from a synchronic point of view (what is their theoretical motivation), but also from a historical perspective.

Some adverbs, such as jäärsene ‘yesterday’, may modify the noun without being accompanied by the preposition fon ‘of’. A pair of examples is provided below:

These sentences do not mean the same thing. In case the time adverb occurs without a preposition, it must refer to the same time which the verb refers to. This explains the following contrast:

As mentioned earlier, a noun can be modified by several following PPs.