Table 10 shows that adjectives of the type Turks are derived from geographical person nouns, which in turn can be derived from geographical names.

The geographical adjective is derived by suffixing the person noun with -s, unless the latter already has an -s ending; cf. the examples in rows (i) and (ii). If the person noun is derived from the geographical name by the nominal suffix -er (or, incidentally, -ing, -(e)ling, and -(e)naar), the corresponding geographical adjective is derived by truncation, i.e. the person affix is replaced by the adjectival suffix -s; cf. row (iii). Adjectives like buitenlandsforeign, binnenlandsdomestic and vaderlandsnational probably also belong to this class.

Sometimes the person noun is not morphologically derived from the geographical name but in such cases the adjective can still be derived from the person noun by the suffix -s; cf. row (iv).

Table 11 shows that geographical adjectives ending in -isch are all derived from person nouns, which in turn are usually derived from geographical names.

Row (i) shows that when the geographical name ends in -ië and the person noun is derived with the Germanic person suffix -er, the resulting complex -iër is replaced by -isch. In other cases, the suffix -isch is simply added to the person suffix, as illustrated in rows (ii) and (iii). Sometimes the suffix -isch is also used when the person noun is not morphologically derived from a geographical name; cf. row (iv).

A small set of Dutch geographical names may be the input of geographical adjectives derived with the suffix -er. Such adjectives usually alternate with the more regular form in –s unless they are used in fixed collocations; two examples of such collocations are given in (122b&c). The geographical adjectives with -er are special in that they never allow the attributive -e inflection; cf. Section 27.1.2, sub II.

Occasionally, there are place adjectives that do not have a clear nominal stem, are not semantically transparent, or do not fall into classes 1 to 3. Often, these are elements that are mostly used as adverbs of place. Examples are given in (123).

In addition, there are adjectives that seem to be derived from a preposition or particle with the suffix -ste, which is also used to derive superlatives. Some examples are given in (124). Like superlatives with the suffix -ste, these adjectives do not easily appear in indefinite noun phrases: de/??een onderste plank the/a bottom shelf.

Note, however, that it is not clear whether the adjective middelste is actually derived from a preposition, as the corresponding preposition would be midden, not middel. Similar doubts may arise for the other cases, since their meanings are only loosely related to the meanings of the presumed input prepositions onderunder, bovenabove and buitenoutside.

Instead of denoting a set, the geographical adjectives seem to express an underspecified kind-of relation in the sense that they can express almost any conceivable relation between the head of the modified noun phrase and the input noun of the adjective: the noun phrases in (125a-c) refer respectively to the dunes located in the Netherlands, the lifestyle common in the Netherlands or typical of the Dutch, and cheese made in the Netherlands. Finally, example (125d) can be interpreted as involving a thematic relation: this relation is preferably agentive in nature, in which case the noun phrase may refer to the oppression of the population of the Netherlands Indies by the Dutch. However, for at least some speakers, the adjective may also express the theme of the input verb of the deverbal noun, in which case the noun phrase may refer to the oppression of the Dutch by the Spaniards in the sixteenth century.

The examples in (126) show that geographical adjectives cannot easily be used predicatively. This is due to the fact that it is not clear to what set of entities an adjective such as Turks should refer: it is not obvious that there is a set of entities that can be properly characterized as “Turkish”.

Nevertheless, in certain contexts the meaning of geographical adjectives tends to shift towards the set-denoting adjectives. This tendency can be reinforced by adding the adverb typischtypically to the adjective, as in (127).

Occasionally, as in (128), the prefix on- produces reasonably acceptable results, in which case a degree modifier may also be added; the meaning of onnederlands is roughly “not typically Dutch”. This “extended” use is especially common with the adjective types discussed in Subsections 1 and 2, but completely excluded with the adjectives of the type discussed in Subsection 3; cf. *ongroninger (koek/...).

The first type is derived with the suffix -(e)lijk from nouns denoting certain parts of the day, like ochtendmorning, nachtnight, and middagafternoon. These adjectives are mainly used as modifiers of nouns denoting states of affairs that occur at the time denoted by the input noun of the derived adjective. The examples in (134) are all taken from the internet, but it should be noted that the frequency with which they occur varies somewhat: while nachtelijk, avondlijk and ochtendlijk are quite common (150 hits or more), middaglijk is rare (we found only a few unquestionable cases).

The examples in (135) show that time adjectives can be derived from names of days, months, and seasons using the suffix -s.

The cases in (135a) show that there are no restrictions on the derivation of time adverbials from names of days: all seven forms listed here occur frequently. This is not true for the cases in (135b), where the input noun is the name of a month of the year. The adjective maarts derived from maartMarch is quite common in fixed collocations such as maartse buienMarch showers or names such as maarts viooltjeSweet Violet; the other forms are much rarer, although they do occur, e.g., in weather reports. More importantly, the derivation seems to be phonologically restricted in that the input noun must end in a consonant; we also found no cases derived from januariJanuary, februariFebruary, meiMay, juniJune, and juliJuly. We did not find any form derived from augustusAugust, which may be due to the fact that this form already ends in /s/. Finally, the examples in (135c) show that time adjectives can also be derived from the names of the seasons: the adjectives zomerssummery and winterswintery are very common; the adjective herfsts (lit.: fall-s) does occur, but seems to yield a slightly marked result. The adjective *lentes (lit.: spring-s) is not attested, which seems to be consistent with the earlier observation that the names of the months must end in a consonant in order to be allowed a derived form. For completeness, the examples in (136) show that more complex combinations also occur; common examples are cases like zeventiende-eeuwsfrom the seventeenth century (lit.: seventeenth-century-s) and driedaagsthree-day.

The third type of time adjective is derived with the suffix -(e)lijks. This group is derived from nouns like dagday, weekweek, maandmonth, and jaaryear, and is used to indicate some notion of frequency.

More complex combinations like driemaandelijksthree-monthly are also possible. Again, these formations indicate some notion of frequency; in this respect, the formations tweejaarlijksbiennial and halfjaarlijkssemi-annual in (138b&c) differ from their counterparts ending in -ig in een tweejarig/halfjarig verblijf in het buitenlanda two-year/half-year stay abroad, which denote a specific period.

Occasionally, time adjectives occur that do not have a clear nominal stem, are not semantically transparent, or do not fall into classes 1-3 discussed in the previous subsections. In general, these are elements that are mostly used as adverbial phrases of time, such as tijdelijktemporary(-ily)’, (on)regelmatig(ir)regular(ly), and onmiddellijkimmediate(ly). Not surprisingly, the primeless examples can often be paraphrased with a relative clause in which the adjective is used adverbially. The (b)-examples in (139) show that if the adjective can be prefixed with on- in its adverbial use, this is also possible in its attributive use.

In addition, there are some isolated cases like huidigcurrent and voormaligformer, which cannot be used adverbially; cf. Section 23.3.5 for more discussion.

The cases in (141) show that time and frequency adjectives generally cannot be used as predicates, which is clearly related to the fact that there are no entities that can be characterized as “monthly” or “former”. Comparative and superlative formation, modification by a degree modifier, and on- prefixation are also excluded; an exception is regelmatigregular in (139b), which also allows on- prefixation and comparative formation in its adverbial use.

Occasionally, however, time adjectives do occur in predicative position, which shows that they can shift their meaning in the direction of the set-denoting adjectives. As shown in (142), whether predicative use of the adjective is possible often depends on the nature of the subject of the clause. This suggests that nouns and adjectives that can occur in both constructions are more or less fixed collocations.

If predicative use of the adjective is possible, the time adjective can often also be modified by a degree modifier, as shown in (143a). If the adjective refers to a particular historical or cultural period, the predicative use of the time adjective is always fully acceptable; cf. (143b).

The examples in (139) have already shown that many time adjectives can also be used adverbially. This seems to be particularly common with frequency adjectives: the examples in (144) show that the adjectives dagelijks and maandelijks have meanings comparable to those of the adverbially used noun phrases elke dagevery day and elke maandevery month.

It is not always easy to distinguish between predicative and adverbial uses of frequency adjectives; cf. the examples in (141a) and (145). One difference is that the adjective is obligatory in copular constructions such as (141a), while it is optional when used adverbially, as in the examples in (145).