• Dutch
  • Frisian
  • Saterfrisian
  • Afrikaans
Show all
5.1.7.Independently used argument clauses
quickinfo

Argument clauses are by definition selected by some higher predicate, and so we expect them to occur only as dependent clauses. However, it seems that they can sometimes occur independently. The discourse chunks in (347) show that this use is discourse-related in the sense that argument clauses can easily occur independently as an answer to a wh-question.

347
a. [A] Peter is hier. [B] Wat zei je? [A] Dat Peter hier is.
  Peter is here what said you that Peter here is
  'Peter is here. What did you say? That Peter is here.'
b. [A] Kom je nog? [B] Wat vroeg je? [A] Of je nog komt.
  come you still what asked you whether you still come
  'Will you come or not? What did you ask? Whether you will come or not.'
c. [A] Wat doe je? [B] Wat vroeg je? [A] Wat of je doet.
  what do you what asked you what whether you do
  'What are you doing? What did you ask? What you are doing.'

Such examples can of course be analyzed as cases where the context allows omission of the underlined parts of the strings in Ik zei dat Peter hier isI said that Peter is here, Ik vroeg of je nog komt I asked whether you are coming or not, and Ik vroeg wat of je doet I asked what you are doing ... A similar analysis seems possible for echo-questions of the type in (348), where we can assume that the underlined parts in Je vraagt me of ik nog kom? Are you asking me whether I am coming or not? and Je vraagt me wat ik doe? Are you asking me what I am doing? are omitted. We refer to De Vries (2001:514) and Den Dikken (2003a:7) for further examples.

348
a. [A] Kom je nog? [B] Of ik nog komt? I denk van niet.
  come you still whether I still come I think of not
  'Are you coming or not? Whether I will come? I donʼt think so.'
b. [A] Wat doe je? [B] Wat of ik doe? Niets.
  what do you what whether I do noting
  'What are you doing? What Iʼm doing? Nothing.'

Independently used interrogative non-main clauses are also very common to express that the speaker is wondering about something. The main and non-main wh-clauses in (349) seem more or less interchangeable, although the latter has a stronger emotional load. This emotional load is also reflected in the fact that such independently used interrogative clauses typically contain a modal element such as nu weer: this is clear from the fact that while example (349a') is perfectly acceptable as a neutral wh-question next to (349a), example (349b') feels somewhat incomplete compared to (349b), as marked by the dollar sign.

349
a. Wie heeft dat nu weer gedaan?
  who has that prt prt done
  'Who has done that?'
a'. Wie heeft dat gedaan?
  who has that done
  Who has done that?'
b. Wie dat nu weer gedaan heeft!?
  who that prt prt done has
  'Who (for heavenʼs sake) has done that?'
b'. $ Wie dat gedaan heeft!?
  who that done has

A similar emotional load can be detected in the independently used declarative non-main clauses in the primed examples in (350); the speaker’s involvement is again clear from the fact that while the primeless examples can be used as more or less neutral assertions, the primed examples emphasize that the speaker expresses a certain wish, is uncertain, feels a certain indignation, etc. De Vries (2001:518) argues that this may be a good reason to consider independently used non-main clauses as constructions in their own right, not in the least because such examples have intonation patterns that differ markedly from those of their embedded counterparts: for instance, (350a') has an exclamation contour, (350b') a question contour, and (350c') allows for various marked intonation patterns.

350
a. Ik hoop [dat je er lang van genieten mag].
  I hope that you there long of have.pleasure may
  'I hope you may enjoy it for a long time.'
a'. Dat je er lang van genieten mag!
wish
b. Ik vraag me af [of dat nou een goed idee is].
  I wonder refl prt. whether that prt a good idea is
  'I wonder whether that is such a good idea.'
b'. of dat nou een goed idee is?
uncertainty
c. Ik begrijp niet [waar dat nou weer goed voor is].
  I understand not where that prt again good for is
  'I do not understand what is the use of that.'
c'. Waar dat nou goed voor is?!
indignation

Independently used non-main clauses may also have highly specialized meanings or functions that their embedded counterparts lack. For example, when used as an answer to the question in (351), the independently used of-clause in (351b) expresses emphatic affirmation: the speaker is replying that he is eager to have the book in question. This use is so common that it would in fact suffice to answer (351) with en of!I sure do!. Embedded of-clauses cannot perform this function, but simply express dependent questions. The independently used embedded question in (351b) have a similar function.

351
a. Wil je dit boek hebben?
  want you this book have
  'Do you want to have this book?'
b. En of ik dit boek wil hebben!
  and whether I this book want have
  'I sure do want to have that book!'
b'. of ik dit boek wil hebben?
  whether I this book want have
  'Whether I want to have that book? (You know I do/donʼt!)'

Because a further discussion of the interpretive implications of the independent uses of argument clauses would lead us too deep into the realm of the conditions on actual language use (performance), we will not digress on this here. This topic has received much attention in cognitive linguistics since Evans (2007) under the heading of insubordination: we therefore refer the reader to Verstraete et al. (2012), Tejedor (2013), Van Linden & Van de Velde (2014), and the references cited therein.

readmore
References:
    report errorprintcite