- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Verbs: Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I: Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 1.0. Introduction
- 1.1. Main types of verb-frame alternation
- 1.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 1.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 1.4. Some apparent cases of verb-frame alternation
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 4.0. Introduction
- 4.1. Semantic types of finite argument clauses
- 4.2. Finite and infinitival argument clauses
- 4.3. Control properties of verbs selecting an infinitival clause
- 4.4. Three main types of infinitival argument clauses
- 4.5. Non-main verbs
- 4.6. The distinction between main and non-main verbs
- 4.7. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb: Argument and complementive clauses
- 5.0. Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 5.4. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc: Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId: Verb clustering
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I: General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II: Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- 11.0. Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1 and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 11.4. Bibliographical notes
- 12 Word order in the clause IV: Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 14 Characterization and classification
- 15 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 15.0. Introduction
- 15.1. General observations
- 15.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 15.3. Clausal complements
- 15.4. Bibliographical notes
- 16 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 16.2. Premodification
- 16.3. Postmodification
- 16.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 16.3.2. Relative clauses
- 16.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 16.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 16.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 16.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 17.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 17.3. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Articles
- 18.2. Pronouns
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Numerals and quantifiers
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Numerals
- 19.2. Quantifiers
- 19.2.1. Introduction
- 19.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 19.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 19.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 19.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 19.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 19.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 19.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 19.5. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Predeterminers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 20.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 20.3. A note on focus particles
- 20.4. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 22 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 23 Characteristics and classification
- 24 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 25 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 26 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 27 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 28 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 29 The partitive genitive construction
- 30 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 31 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- 32.0. Introduction
- 32.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 32.2. A syntactic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.4. Borderline cases
- 32.5. Bibliographical notes
- 33 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 34 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 35 Syntactic uses of adpositional phrases
- 36 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Syntax
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- General
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- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
Argument clauses are by definition selected by some higher predicate, and so we expect them to occur only as dependent clauses. However, it seems that they can sometimes occur independently. The discourse chunks in (347) show that this use is discourse-related in the sense that argument clauses can easily occur independently as an answer to a wh-question.
| a. | [A] | Peter is hier. [B] | Wat | zei | je? [A] | Dat | Peter | hier | is. | |
| [A] | Peter is here | what | said | you | that | Peter | here | is | ||
| 'Peter is here. What did you say? That Peter is here.' | ||||||||||
| b. | [A] | Kom | je | nog? [B] | Wat | vroeg | je? [A] | Of | je | nog | komt. | |
| [A] | come | you | still | what | asked | you | whether | you | still | come | ||
| 'Will you come or not? What did you ask? Whether you will come or not.' | ||||||||||||
| c. | [A] | Wat | doe | je? [B] | Wat | vroeg | je? [A] | Wat | of | je | doet. | |
| [A] | what | do | you | what | asked | you | what | whether | you | do | ||
| 'What are you doing? What did you ask? What you are doing.' | ||||||||||||
Such examples can of course be analyzed as cases where the context allows omission of the underlined parts of the strings in Ik zei dat Peter hier isI said that Peter is here, Ik vroeg of je nog komt I asked whether you are coming or not, and Ik vroeg wat of je doet I asked what you are doing ... A similar analysis seems possible for echo-questions of the type in (348), where we can assume that the underlined parts in Je vraagt me of ik nog kom? Are you asking me whether I am coming or not? and Je vraagt me wat ik doe? Are you asking me what I am doing? are omitted. We refer to De Vries (2001:514) and Den Dikken (2003a:7) for further examples.
| a. | [A] | Kom | je | nog? [B] | Of | ik | nog | komt? | I denk | van niet. | |
| [A] | come | you | still | whether | I | still | come | I think | of not | ||
| 'Are you coming or not? Whether I will come? I donʼt think so.' | |||||||||||
| b. | [A] | Wat | doe | je? [B] | Wat | of | ik | doe? | Niets. | |
| [A] | what | do | you | what | whether | I | do | noting | ||
| 'What are you doing? What Iʼm doing? Nothing.' | ||||||||||
Independently used interrogative non-main clauses are also very common to express that the speaker is wondering about something. The main and non-main wh-clauses in (349) seem more or less interchangeable, although the latter has a stronger emotional load. This emotional load is also reflected in the fact that such independently used interrogative clauses typically contain a modal element such as nu weer: this is clear from the fact that while example (349a') is perfectly acceptable as a neutral wh-question next to (349a), example (349b') feels somewhat incomplete compared to (349b), as marked by the dollar sign.
| a. | Wie heeft | dat | nu | weer | gedaan? | ||||
| who has | that | prt | prt | done | |||||
| 'Who has done that?' | |||||||||
| a'. | Wie heeft | dat | gedaan? | ||||||
| who has | that | done | |||||||
| Who has done that?' | |||||||||
| b. | Wie | dat | nu | weer | gedaan | heeft!? | |||||
| who | that | prt | prt | done | has | ||||||
| 'Who (for heavenʼs sake) has done that?' | |||||||||||
| b'. | $ | Wie | dat | gedaan | heeft!? |
| who | that | done | has |
A similar emotional load can be detected in the independently used declarative non-main clauses in the primed examples in (350); the speaker’s involvement is again clear from the fact that while the primeless examples can be used as more or less neutral assertions, the primed examples emphasize that the speaker expresses a certain wish, is uncertain, feels a certain indignation, etc. De Vries (2001:518) argues that this may be a good reason to consider independently used non-main clauses as constructions in their own right, not in the least because such examples have intonation patterns that differ markedly from those of their embedded counterparts: for instance, (350a') has an exclamation contour, (350b') a question contour, and (350c') allows for various marked intonation patterns.
| a. | Ik | hoop [dat | je | er | lang | van | genieten | mag]. | |
| I | hope that | you | there | long | of | have.pleasure | may | ||
| 'I hope you may enjoy it for a long time.' | |||||||||
| a'. | Dat je er lang van genieten mag! | wish |
| b. | Ik | vraag | me | af | [of | dat | nou | een goed idee | is]. | |
| I | wonder | refl | prt. | whether | that | prt | a good idea | is | ||
| 'I wonder whether that is such a good idea.' | ||||||||||
| b'. | of dat nou een goed idee is? | uncertainty |
| c. | Ik | begrijp | niet | [waar | dat | nou | weer | goed | voor | is]. | |
| I | understand | not | where | that | prt | again | good | for | is | ||
| 'I do not understand what is the use of that.' | |||||||||||
| c'. | Waar dat nou goed voor is?! | indignation |
Independently used non-main clauses may also have highly specialized meanings or functions that their embedded counterparts lack. For example, when used as an answer to the question in (351), the independently used of-clause in (351b) expresses emphatic affirmation: the speaker is replying that he is eager to have the book in question. This use is so common that it would in fact suffice to answer (351) with en of!I sure do!. Embedded of-clauses cannot perform this function, but simply express dependent questions. The independently used embedded question in (351b) have a similar function.
| a. | Wil | je | dit boek | hebben? | |
| want | you | this book | have | ||
| 'Do you want to have this book?' | |||||
| b. | En | of | ik | dit boek | wil hebben! | |
| and | whether | I | this book | want have | ||
| 'I sure do want to have that book!' | ||||||
| b'. | of | ik | dit boek | wil hebben? | |
| whether | I | this book | want have | ||
| 'Whether I want to have that book? (You know I do/donʼt!)' | |||||
Because a further discussion of the interpretive implications of the independent uses of argument clauses would lead us too deep into the realm of the conditions on actual language use (performance), we will not digress on this here. This topic has received much attention in cognitive linguistics since Evans (2007) under the heading of insubordination: we therefore refer the reader to Verstraete et al. (2012), Tejedor (2013), Van Linden & Van de Velde (2014), and the references cited therein.