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39.0. Introduction
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This chapter discusses the two main types of (putative) ellipsis found in coordinate structures: conjunction reduction and gapping. Conjunction reduction involves the elision of material in one coordinand, the target, on the basis of identical material in another coordinand, the antecedent. The tradition following Ross (1967) distinguishes two different forms: forward conjunction reduction (FCR) refers to cases where the antecedent coordinand precedes the target coordinand, as in (1a), and backward conjunction reduction (BCR) refers to cases where the antecedent follows the target, as in (1b). The hypothesized omissions are indicated by a strikethrough.

1
a. [[Jan heeft Els bezocht] en [Jan heeft haar het nieuws verteld]].
FCR
  Jan has Els visited and Jan has her the news told
  'Jan has visited Els and told her the news.'
b. [[Jan heeft Els bezocht] en [Marie heeft Peter bezocht]].
BCR
  Jan has Els visited and Marie has Peter visited
  'Jan has visited Els and Marie has visited Peter.'

However, Neijt (1979) has argued that backward conjunction reduction is the only genuine form of conjunction reduction; supposed cases of forward conjunction reduction, such as (1a), should be reanalyzed as cases in which phrases smaller than clauses are coordinated, as in (2). Decisive reasons for adopting this alternative analysis will be given in Section 39.1, where the two forms of (supposed) conjunction reduction will be discussed in more detail. Until then, for the sake of presentation, we will represent forward conjunction reduction as in (1a) rather than as in (2).

2
Jan heeft [[VP Els bezocht] en [VP haar het nieuws verteld]].
  Jan has Els visited and her the news told
'Jan has visited Els and told her the news.'

The two putative types of conjunction reduction always involve the omission of material in the periphery of the target coordinand; forward conjunction reduction elides material in the left periphery, while backward conjunction reduction elides material in the right periphery. This distinguishes conjunction reduction from gapping, which is illustrated in (3). The properties of this form of reduction, which minimally targets the finite verb and applies only in a forward fashion, will be discussed in Section 39.2.

3
a. [Jan bezoekt Els] en [Marie bezoekt Peter].
gapping
  Jan visits Els and Marie visits Peter
  'Jan is visiting Els and Marie Peter.'
b. * [Jan bezoekt Els] en [Marie bezoekt Peter].
  Jan visits Els and Marie visits Peter

Although the examples in (4) show that conjunction reduction and gapping do not only occur in coordinate structures with conjunctive enand, but can also be used in coordinate structures with disjunctive ofor and adversative maarbut, we will generally use the conjunction en in our examples.

4
a. [[Jan wil een boek lezen] of [Jan wil een film bekijken]].
FCR
  Jan wants a book read or Jan wants a movie watch
  'Jan wants to read a book or watch a movie.'
a'. [[Jan wil geen boek lezen] maar [Jan wil een film bekijken]].
  Jan wants no book read but Jan wants a movie watch
  'Jan does not want to read a book but to watch a movie.'
b. [[Jan heeft Els bezocht] of [Marie heeft Peter bezocht]].
BCR
  Jan has Els visited or Marie has Peter visited
  'Jan has visited Els or Marie has visited Peter.'
b'. [[Jan heeft Els bezocht] maar [Marie heeft niemand bezocht]].
  Jan has Els visited but Marie has nobody visited
  'Jan has visited Els but Marie has visited nobody.'
c. [Jan bezoekt Els] of [Marie bezoekt Peter].
gapping
  Jan visits Els or Marie visits Peter
  'Jan is visiting Els or Marie Peter.'
c'. [Jan bezoekt Els] maar [Marie bezoekt niemand].
  Jan visits Els but Marie visits nobody
  'Jan is visiting Els but Marie nobody.'

Section 39.3 will show that backward conjunction reduction and gapping can occur together in a single sentence; this is illustrated in (5), where simple strikethrough indicates material elided by gapping, and bold strikethrough indicates material elided by backward conjunction reduction.

5
[[Jan leest mijn ] en [Marie leest jouw boek]].
BCR + gapping
  Jan reads my book and Marie reads your book
'Jan is reading my and Marie your book.'

The discussion of gapping in Section 39.2 follows the standard assumption that gapping occurs only in coordinate structures. However, there are reasons to believe that it can sometimes occur in subordinate clauses. Section 39.4 examines such cases in detail and concludes that the standard assumption should be abandoned.

Many of the Dutch examples presented in Sections 39.1 through 39.3, as well as the conclusions drawn from them, are inspired by Neijt (1979); we acknowledge this here to avoid continuous reference to the same source. For a discussion of ellipsis in contexts other than coordinate structures, we refer the reader to Sections V5.1.5 (fragment clauses) and A27.4 (N-ellipsis).

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