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Introduction to part V
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The first four parts of Syntax of Dutch (SoD) deal with the internal structure of verb phrases (including clauses) and nominal, adjectival and adpositional phrases. This fifth and final part of SoD deals with phenomena that go beyond the main clause in the technical sense discussed in Chapter V9. Clauses are CPs with the structure in (1): the C(omplementizer ) head is filled with a subordinator like datthat and ofif/whether in embedded clauses and, in Dutch and German (but not necessarily in English), with the finite verb in main clauses. Since the specifier of the CP is like the specifier of all projections in that it can contain at most one constituent, this accounts for the fact that Dutch and German (but not English) main clauses are verb-second: the finite verb must be in the second position (unless the specifier of the CP remains phonetically empty, as in yes/no-questions); cf. Chapter V10 for discussion.

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Syntax deals mainly with phenomena in the CP, but there are phenomena within an utterance that involve structures larger than main clauses in the technical sense. This part of SoD will deal with three such phenomena: (i) main-clause external elements, (ii) coordination (since coordinate structures may have full main clauses as coordinands), and (iii) ellipsis phenomena found in coordinate structures. We will conclude that the treatment of these phenomena in SoD is justified, as they often go hand in hand with the application of specific core syntactic phenomena within CPs, such as movement.

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[+]  I.  Main-clause external elements (Chapter 37)

We start with a discussion of elements in an utterance that can be assumed to be external to the main clause in the technical sense. The clearest cases are those elements that precede the main-clause initial position like discourse particles, vocatives and left-dislocated elements.

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a. , [main clause wat doe jij daar]?
discourse particle
  hey what do you there
  'Hey, what are you doing?'
b. Jan, [main clause kom alsjeblieft even hier]!
vocative
  Jan come please for.a.moment here
  'Jan, please, come here for a moment!'
c. Mariei, [main clause ik heb haari niet gezien].
left-dislocated element
  Marie I have here not seen
  'Marie, I have not seen her.'

Main-clause external elements at the right edge of the utterance are more difficult to identify; apart from clear cases like discourse particles and vocatives, we come across e.g. right-dislocated elements and afterthoughts, which often look very similar to extraposed phrases (cf. Chapter V12).

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a. [main clause Ik heb haari niet gezien], Mariei.
right-dislocated element
  I have here not seen
  'I have not seen her, Marie.'
b. [main clause Ik heb Mariei niet gezien]; mijn zusi.
afterthought
  I have Marie not seen my sister
  'I have not seen Marie—my sister.'
[+]  II.  Coordination (Chapter 38)

Although structures resulting from coordination prototypically involve a single coordinator such as enand or ofor, it cannot be said that such coordinators select certain internal or external arguments. It implies that coordinate structures differ from other syntactic structures in that they are not (extended) projections of an argument-taking lexical head. Instead, coordinators typically combine two or more similar phrases (called coordinands) into a larger phrase of the same kind. Some illustrations are given in (4) with the coordinator enand: example (4a) involves coordination of two main clauses and (4b&c) coordination of two nominal phrases. Section 38.1 begins by discussing some more general properties of coordinate structures. Sections 38.2 to 38.4 discuss in detail the different types of coordinate structures and their constituent parts, i.e. coordinators and their coordinands.

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a. [CP [CP Jan leest het boek] en [CP Peter leest het artikel]].
  Jan reads the book and Peter reads the article
  'Jan reads the book and Peter reads the article.'
b. Jan leest [NP [NP het boek] en [NP het artikel]].
  Jan reads the book and the article
  'Jan reads the book and the article.'
c. [NP [NP Jan] en [NP Peter]] lezen het boek.
  Jan and Peter read the book
  'Jan and Peter read the book.'
[+]  III.  Ellipsis (Chapter 39)

Clausal coordinate structures are prone to reduction; the examples in (5) show that identical elements in the coordinands tend to be left unpronounced, which is indicated by strikethrough. We will focus on two main types of ellipsis. Example (5a) is a case of backward conjunction reduction: right-peripheral material in the left clausal coordinand is usually left unpronounced to the extent that it is identical to that of the right coordinand. Example (5b) is a case of gapping: the right clausal coordinand of the coordination is reduced by non-pronunciation of (at least) the finite verb.

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a. [CP [CP Jan leest het boek over coördinatie] en
  Jan reads the book about coordination and
[CP Peter leest het artikel over coördinatie]].
  Peter reads the article about coordination
'Jan reads the book and Peter reads the article on coordination.'
b. [CP [CP Jan leest het boek] en [CP Peter leest het artikel]].
  Jan reads the book and Peter reads the article
  'Jan reads the book and Peter the article.'

The literature also discusses cases such as (6a) of so-called forward conjunction reduction, with ellipsis of left-peripheral material in the second coordinand. However, we will argue that such an ellipsis process does not exist (which we have indicated here with an asterisk), and propose an alternative analysis involving the coordination of smaller verbal projections (which we will call VP for convenience).

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a. * [CP [CP Jan leest het boek] en [CP Jan bespreekt het artikel]].
  Jan reads the book and Jan reviews the article
b. [CP Jan [VP leest het boek] en [VP bespreekt het artikel]].
  Jan reads the book and reviews the article
  'Jan reads the book and reviews the article.'

Although coordinate structures are usually relatively easy to recognize, Chapter 39 concludes with a number of cases which are sometimes claimed to exhibit some but not all of the properties of coordination. The forms discussed are alsas and danthan in comparative constructions, behalveexcept/besides, in plaats vaninstead of and laat staanlet alone. We will argue that we are not dealing here with borderline cases of coordination but with run-of-the-mill subordination; the claim that these forms exhibit borderline behavior and should therefore be analyzed as coordinator-like elements is mainly due to the misconception that co-called gapping is only possible in coordinate structures.

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