Section 25.1 has discussed the modification of scalar adjectives. The modifier is typically an amplifier such as zeervery or a downtoner such as vrijrather, which scale upward or downward from some tacitly assumed standard value or norm. To illustrate this, we repeat the graphical representation in (7) for the adjectives goedgood and slechtbad/evil as (264).

The representation in (264) makes it clear that the implications in (265) are valid; the adjective in (265a) is preceded by the amplifier zeer, and we can conclude from zeer A that A also holds; the adjective in (265b) is preceded by the downtoner vrij, and we can conclude from vrij A that A holds as well.

The implication relations are quite different when the adjectives are absolute. Take the polar adjectives leegempty and volfull, which seem to refer to the boundaries of the scale in (266). The use of the modifiers vrij and zeer with these adjectives implies that we are referring to some point between the two boundaries.

The representation in (266) shows that in this case we cannot conclude from zeer/vrij A that A also holds; in fact, we must conclude that A does not hold.

The sketch given above is an idealization of reality, since the adjective volfull can sometimes also be used as a scalar adjective. In everyday practice, vol is generally not used in the sense of “100% filled”; a cup of coffee would be called vol even if it were not filled to the brim (in fact, if it were, it would be considered too full). In this use of vol, we can conclude from the fact that zeer vol is applicable that vol is also applicable. For the sake of argument, however, we have assumed in our sketch that vol means “100% filled”.

The fact that the logical implications in (265) do not hold for absolute adjectives implies that semantic representations such as those in (8) from Section 25.1.2, repeated here as (268), cannot be used to express the semantic contribution of the modifiers of absolute adjectives.

We conclude that modifiers of absolute adjectives do not refer to a degree on an implied scale; this is also supported by the fact that they can also be used with geometric adjectives, which do not involve scales at all. Just as vrij/zeer leeg in (267) implies that the bottle is not empty, vrij/zeer rondrather/very round in (269a) implies that the logical subject of the AP is not round; Jan’s face merely shows some resemblance to a round shape. This intuition can be represented as in (269b) by assuming that the modified APs denote certain mutually exclusive partitions of some larger set of entities. To avoid confusion, note that the circles in (269b) represent sets, not geometric shapes.

Something similar applies to color adjectives such as roodred. When the leaves of the trees change color in the fall, we can use the expressions in (270a) to indicate that some of the leaves have already changed color, or that the leaves are in the process of changing color. Similarly, we can use (270b) to indicate that Jan’s face is partly red.

What the examples in (267) to (270) have in common is that the modifiers indicate that the logical subject of the adjective A cannot be (fully) characterized as having the property denoted by A; it only has a property similar to it. However, the absolute adjectives can also be preceded by a modifier indicating that the property is applicable: examples with the modifier helemaalcompletely are given in (271).

From now on, we will call the modifiers with the properties of those in (267) through (270) approximative, and their counterparts in (271) absolute. These approximative and absolute modifiers will be discussed in Subsections II and III.

Many approximative modifiers indicate that the property denoted by the adjective is almost or nearly applicable. Some examples involving adverbs are given in (272).

Occasionally more complex phrases are used, such as zo goed alsas good as in (273a); the expression op sterven na dood in (273b) is idiomatic.

The examples in (274) show that approximatives cannot usually be combined with scalar adjectives. The only exceptions are modifiers like vrijrather and zeervery, which can be used both as degree modifiers and as approximative modifiers; cf. Subsection I for examples.

Possible exceptions to this general rule are given in (275), where the approximative modifier bijnanearly indicates that the gradable adjective is more or less appropriate. However, these examples are difficult to judge because bijna can also be used as a clause adverbial, as can be seen from the fact that topicalization of the adjective alone (also) seems possible.

Note that goedgood, which was given above as a scalar adjective, can also be used as an absolute adjective, in which case it means “correct” and stands in opposition to the adjective foutwrong. Example (276) is therefore not a counterexample to the claim that approximatives cannot be combined with scalar adjectives, because here goed can only be interpreted as “correct”.

The approximatives in (272) indicate that the adjective is “close” to being appropriate. With the modifiers in (277), the implied “distance” seems greater, but remains relatively vague.

This vagueness does not arise with the modifiers in (278), which indicate quite precisely what the “distance” is.

Occasionally, approximatives may themselves be modified by an adverb like alalready or nogstill. These adverbs indicate that the entity modified by the approximative is changing: al indicates that it is moving “closer” to the property denoted by the adjective, while nog indicates that it is moving in the opposite direction. When drinking wine, the speaker can use the primeless but not the primed version in (279) because he is in the process of emptying bottles; when bottling wine, on the other hand, only the primed examples would be appropriate.

As a rule, approximative modifiers do not occur in negative clauses: examples such as (280) are acceptable only if they are used to revoke an assumption held by or attributed to the addressee. In this respect, approximatives are very different from absolute modifiers; cf. example (285) in Subsection III.

The examples in (281) deserve special mention. The approximative modifier vrijwel in (281a) modifies the negative adverb niet, which in turn modifies the scalar antonym versnedendiluted of the absolute adjective puur/onversnedenclean/undiluted. It is as if the combination niet versneden behaves like a complex absolute adjective on a par with puur/onversneden. In (281b), the modifier nauwelijkshardly is negative in itself and seems to act as a kind of approximative modifier: nauwelijks versneden is more or less synonymous with vrijwel puuralmost clean. Examples (281c&d) show that the modifier nauwelijks cannot usually be combined with absolute adjectives such as puurneat, nor with scalar adjectives without an absolute antonym such as lekkertasty.

Finally, note that approximative modifiers cannot be combined with intrinsically amplified absolute adjectives, such as eivol/bomvolcrammed-full and kurkdroogbone-dry, in which the first morpheme emphasizes the fact that the property denoted by the adjective applies in full. This is illustrated in (282); we also refer the reader to the discussion of example (36) in Section 25.1.2, sub IE, and example (286) in Subsection III below.

Absolute modifiers indicate that the property denoted by the adjective applies in full. Some examples are given in the primeless examples of (283). The primed examples show that absolute modifiers, like approximatives, cannot modify scalar adjectives.

Like approximatives, absolute modifiers can be modified by adverbs like alalready and nogstill; al indicates that the logical subject of the modified AP has completed a process of change, as a result of which the adjective has become appropriate; nog indicates that a process of change is expected but has not yet begun, as a result of which the adjective is still appropriate. If the speaker is drinking wine, he can use the primeless but not the primed examples in (284) because he is in the process of emptying bottles; if the speaker is bottling wine, on the other hand, only the primed examples would be appropriate.

Unlike approximative modifiers, absolute modifiers are possible in negative clauses; cf. example (280). Note that when the element meer is added, as in (285b), it is implied that the property denoted by the adjective was applicable at some earlier time. In this respect, niet ... meer acts as the antonym of al in (284).

The examples in (286) show that absolute modifiers are like approximative modifiers in that they cannot be used with intrinsically amplified absolute adjectives like eivol/bomvolcrammed-full and kurkdroogbone-dry. This is because the first morpheme already indicates that the property denoted by the adjective applies in full.