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28.2.2.Position of the complementive adjective in the clause
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This section discusses the distribution of complementives in the clause. We will see that complementives are usually placed left-adjacent to the verb(s) in clause-final position (if present), unless they have been moved to a more leftward position. If movement does not apply, the complementive and the verb(s) in clause-final position can only be separated by a stranded preposition.

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[+]  I.  Position with respect to the verbs in clause-final position

Typically, the position of complementive adjectives is to the left of the main verb in clause-final position: placing the adjective after the main verb leads to serious unacceptability. This is illustrated in (56).

56
a. dat de jongens groot zijn.
  that the boys big are
a'. * dat de jongens zijn groot.
b. dat Jan zijn haar zwart verfde.
  that Jan his hair black dyed
b'. * dat Jan zijn haar verfde zwart.
c. dat Marie Jan aardig vindt.
  that Marie Jan nice considers
c'. * dat Marie Jan vindt aardig.

There is a divide between the northern and southern varieties of Dutch regarding the placement of the complementive when the main verb follows one or more auxiliary verbs (modal, aspectual, etc.) in clause-final position. In the northern varieties, the complementive adjective usually precedes all verbs, as in the primeless examples in (57); placement of the adjective between the auxiliary and the main verb, as in the primed examples, is generally rejected, although it should be noted that these orders are occasionally produced and some speakers tend to accept them as marked but acceptable. However, all speakers of the northern varieties of Dutch do agree that making the adjective phrases in (57) more complex by adding a complement or a degree adverb, such as ergvery, renders the primed examples completely unacceptable; the same applies to adjectives in the comparative or superlative forms.

57
a. dat de jongens groot willen worden.
  that the boys big want become
  'that the boys want to become big.'
a'. % dat de jongens willen groot worden.
b. dat Jan zijn haar zwart wil verven.
  that Jan his hair black wants dye
  'that Jan wants to dye his hair black.'
b'. % dat Jan zijn haar wil zwart verven.
c. dat Marie Jan aardig wil vinden.
  that Marie Jan nice want consider
  'that Marie wishes to consider Jan kind.'
c'. % dat Marie Jan wil aardig vinden.

The use of the percentage sign indicates that the requirement that the clause-final verbs be strictly adjacent to each other does not apply to the southern varieties of Dutch. This is especially clear in the varieties of Dutch spoken in Flanders, where even in formal registers several types of elements can permeate (i.e. break up) the clause-final verbs. In these varieties, the orders in the primed examples in (57) are perfectly acceptable, even if the complementive adjectives are modified. However, whenever the main verb precedes the auxiliary verb(s), a complementive cannot interrupt the verbal sequence in any variety of Dutch (or any other OV-language); cf. the contrast between the primeless and primed examples in (58). We ignore here the orders marked with % and refer the reader to Section V7.4 for further discussion of the permeation of verb clusters.

58
a. dat Jan <groot> is <%groot> geworden <*groot>.
  that Jan big is become
a'. dat Jan <groot> geworden <*groot> is <*groot>.
  that Jan big become is
  'that Jan has become big.'
b. dat Jan zijn haar <zwart> heeft <%zwart> geverfd <*zwart>.
  that Jan his hair black has dyed
b'. dat Jan zijn haar <zwart> geverfd <*zwart> heeft <*zwart>.
  that Jan his hair black dyed has
  'that Jan has dyed his hair black.'
c. dat Marie Jan altijd <aardig> heeft <%aardig> gevonden <*aardig>.
  that Marie Jan always nice has considered
c'. dat Marie Jan altijd <aardig> gevonden <*aardig> heeft <*aardig>.
  that Marie Jan always nice considered has
  'that Marie has always consider Jan kind.'

Returning to the aux-main verb orders, we should note that for some more or less fixed adjective-verb combinations, all speakers of Dutch accept the occurrence of the complementive adjective in between the auxiliary and the main verb. These combinations are sometimes considered compounds, which is reflected in the orthographic convention of writing the combination as a single word in the primeless examples of (59). That we are dealing with compounds may find support in the fact that these adjective-verb combinations can be rendered by simple English verbs: to raise, to clean and to drain. It is also suggested by the fact that modification of the adjectives by degree adverbs such as ergvery leads to an awkward result (for speakers of the northern varieties). However, the compound analysis leaves unexplained that modification is also excluded when the adjective and the verb are not adjacent, as in the primed examples (as well as in verb-second contexts).

59
a. dat hij zijn kinderen in slechte omstandigheden moet (*erg) grootbrengen.
  that he his children in bad circumstances must very big.bring
a'. dat hij zijn kinderen in slechte omstandigheden (*erg) groot moet brengen.
  that he his children in bad circumstances very big must bring
  'that he has to raise his children in bad circumstances.'
b. dat hij de badkamer wil (*erg) schoonmaken.
  that he the bathroom wants very clean.make
b'. dat hij de badkamer (??erg) schoon wil maken.
  that he the bathroom very clean wants make
  'that he wants to clean the bathroom.'
c. dat de regering de Markerwaard wil (*erg) droogleggen.
  that the government the Markerwaard wants very dry.put
c'. dat de regering de Markerwaard (*erg) droog wil leggen.’
  that the government the Markerwaard very dry wants put
  'that the government wants to drain the Markerwaard.'

If the complementive adjective precedes the verb(s) in clause-final position, it is usually also adjacent to it/them: the intervention of elements such as adverbial phrases leads to unacceptability in all varieties of Dutch if the sentence is pronounced with an unmarked intonation pattern (i.e. with sentence accent on the complementive). This is illustrated in (60).

60
a. dat de jongens altijd al groot hebben willen worden.
  that the boys always prt big have want become
  'that the boys have always wanted to become big.'
a'. * dat de jongens groot altijd al hebben willen worden.
b. dat Jan zijn haar altijd al zwart heeft willen verven.
  that Jan his hair always prt black has wanted dye
  'that Jan has always wanted to dye his hair black.'
b'. * dat Jan zijn haar zwart altijd al heeft willen verven.
c. dat Marie Jan altijd al aardig heeft gevonden.
  that Marie Jan always prt nice has considered
  'that Marie has always considered Jan to be nice.'
c'. * dat Marie Jan aardig altijd al heeft gevonden.

The general rule for the placement of complementive adjectives can be schematized as in (61): √ indicates the position of the complementive in the “unmarked” construction, % indicates the position where the adjective cannot occur in the northern varieties, and * marks the positions where the adjective cannot occur at all; the dots indicate random strings of elements. Subsection II will show, however, that there are several exceptions to this general schema.

61
Complementive adjectives w.r.t. clause-final aux-main verb orders:
.... * .... √ Main Verb *
.... * .... √ Main Verb * Aux *
.... * .... √ Aux % Main Verb *

To be more precise, we should say that the adjectivw phrase must be adjacent to the clause-final verb(s), since otherwise an example such as (62), in which the intervening PP is an argument of the adjective (cf. Section 24.1), would pose a problem for this claim. For convenience, however, we will stick to our loose formulation in the following discussion.

62
dat Jan [AP boos op zijn vader] is.
  that Jan angry with his father is
'that Jan is angry with his father.'

In the following, we will focus on the northern varieties of Dutch and consequently ignore the position in (61) indicated by %. The northern varieties seem to obey the following left-adjacency condition: in neutral clauses, complementives are left-adjacent to the clause-final verb cluster. This condition suggests that there is a close relationship between the verb cluster and the adjective. That this is indeed the case is also clear from the fact, illustrated in (63b-c), that the adjective must be pied-piped by VP-topicalization.

63
a. Jan wil de deur niet groen verven.
  Jan wants the door not green paint
  'Jan does not want to paint the door green.'
b. Groen verven wil Jan de deur niet.
c. * Verven wil Jan de deur niet groen.

The examples in (64) show that it is not impossible to separate the verb and the adjective. This frequently happens in verb-second contexts if the main verb is finite, as in (64a). Separation can also result from leftward movement of the complementive adjective. This is illustrated in (64b) for topicalization. The different types of leftward movement that can produce such separation are discussed in Subsection II.

64
a. Jan verft de deur groen.
  Jan paints the door green
b. Groen wil Jan de deur niet verven.
  green wants Jan the door not paint
[+]  II.  Focus movement, wh-movement and topicalization of the adjective

The left-adjacency condition on complementive adjectives can be overridden by assigning contrastive focus accent to the adjective; the primed examples in (60) above become much better in this case. The order in these examples can be improved even further by placing a focus particle such as zothat before the adjective. This is illustrated in the primed examples of (65). The primeless examples show that the complementive adjective can also occupy the unmarked position.

65
a. dat de jongens <zo groot> altijd al <zo groot> hebben willen worden.
  that the boys that big always prt have want be
  'that the boys have always wanted to be this big.'
b. dat Jan zijn haar <zo zwart> altijd al <zo zwart> heeft willen verven.
  that Jan his hair that black always prt has wanted dye
  'that Jan has always wanted to dye his hair this black.'
c. dat Marie Jan <zo aardig> altijd al <zo aardig> heeft gevonden.
  that Marie Jan that nice always prt has considered
  'that Marie has always found Jan so nice.'

The left-adjacency condition can also be overridden by placing the adjective in clause-initial position by wh-movement or topicalization. We illustrate this in (66) by topicalization. The corresponding wh-constructions can be constructed by the reader by placing the interrogative degree modifier hoehow before the adjective.

66
a. Groot hebben de jongens altijd al willen worden.
  big have the boys always prt want become
  'Big, the boys have always wanted to become.'
b. Zwart heeft Jan zijn haar altijd al willen verven.
  black has Jan his hair always prt wanted paint
  'Black, Jan has always wanted to dye his hair.'
c. Aardig heeft Marie Jan altijd al gevonden.
  nice has Marie Jan always prt considered
  'Nice, Marie has always considered Jan to be.'

These examples show that we have to revise the schema in (61) as in (67): again, the dots represent a random string of elements; √ indicates the position of the complementive in the “unmarked” construction; % indicates the position in which the adjective can occur in the eastern but not in the northern varieties; and * marks the positions where the adjective cannot occur in Dutch neutral constructions. In addition, WH/TOP indicates the position of the adjective in topicalization or wh-constructions such as (66), and FOC indicates the position of the adjective in focus constructions such as (65); the asterisk below FOC indicates that this position can only be filled by contrastively focused complementive adjectives.

67
The position of the complementive in the clause:

Leftward movement of the adjective breaks the tight relation between the complementive and the verb. We therefore expect that in such cases VP-topicalization can strand the complementive. Of course, this expectation cannot be checked when the complementive itself has undergone wh-movement or topicalization, since the prospective landing site of the VP would already be filled, but it is can be checked when the adjective has undergone focus movement, since this leaves the clause-initial position free for VP-topicalization, as in (68)

68
?? Verven wil Jan de deur zo groen toch echt niet.
  paint wants Jan the door that green yet really not

Although the markedness of (68) suggests that VP-topicalization is not possible for some reason or other, we will see in the next subsection that leftward movement of the adjective can indeed make it possible for the verb to be topicalized in isolation.

[+]  III.  Complementive adjectives and stranded prepositions

Like complementive adjectives, stranded prepositions are usually left-adjacent to the verb cluster in clause-final position, which implies that the two compete for the same position. However, they can also co-occur in a single clause. Consider example (69a), which contains the split instrument PP waar ... meewith what. At first sight, the order of the stranded preposition mee and the complementive adjective droogdry seems to be free: the stranded preposition mee can either precede or follow the complementive. Essentially the same thing holds for (69b), where the split van-PP functions as a restrictive adverbial phrase. For convenience, we have italicized the stranded preposition and its moved complement, the R-word waar.

69
a. de doek waar Jan de kast <mee> droog <mee> gemaakt heeft
  the cloth which Jan the cupboard with dry made has
  'the cloth Jan has dried the cupboard with'
b. de kast waar Jan de bovenkant <van> droog <van> gemaakt heeft
  the cupboard which Jan the top side of dry made has
  'the cupboard the top side of which Jan has dried'

However, the situation is more complex than the examples in (69) suggest; in fact, the general rule seems to be that the stranded preposition follows the complementive adjective. The following subsections discuss various facts that support this claim.

[+]  A.  The resultative versus the vinden-construction

The examples in (69) with free ordering of the complementive and the stranded preposition are all resultative constructions. If we consider the order of the two elements in the vinden-constructions in (70), it turns out that the complementive must precede the stranded preposition, notwithstanding that the unsplit prepositional phrase preferably precedes the complementive adjective.

70
a. dat Marie haar broer <in die kleren> mooi <??in die kleren> vindt.
  that Marie her brother in those clothes beautiful considers
  'Marie considers her brother beautiful in those clothes.'
a'. * de kleren waar Marie haar broer <*in> mooi <in> vindt
  the clothes that Marie her brother in beautiful considers
  'the clothes in which Marie considers her brother beautiful'
b. dat Jan de minister <in dit document> gek <*in dit document> noemt.
  that Jan the minister in this document mad calls
  'that Jan calls the minister crazy in this document.'
b'. * het document waar Jan de minister <*in> gek <in> noemt
  the document that Jan the minister in mad calls
  'the document in which Jan calls the minister crazy'

Note that we have ignored the possibility of PP-over-V, which is not relevant here: dat Marie haar broer mooi vindt in die kleren\`1dat Jan de minister gek noemt in dit document.

[+]  B.  Modification of the complementive

If the complementive adjectives in (69) are modified by a degree modifier such as ergvery, the order in which the stranded preposition precedes the adjective becomes unacceptable. The same is true if we replace erg droog by the morphologically amplified compound kurkdroogbone-dry, but this is not illustrated here.

71
a. * de doek waar hij de kast <*mee> erg droog <mee> gemaakt heeft
  the cloth which he the closet with very dry made has
  'the cloth hem has made the closet very dry with'
b. * de kast waar Jan de bovenkant <*van> erg droog <van> gemaakt heeft
  the closet which Jan the top side of very dry made has
  'the cupboard of which Jan has made the top side very dry'
[+]  C.  Comparative and superlative formation

If the complementive has a comparative or superlative form, the stranded preposition must follow it.

72
a. de doek waar hij de kast <*mee> droger <mee> gemaakt heeft
  the cloth which he the closet with drier made has
  'the cloth he made the closet drier with'
a'. de doek waar hij de kast <*mee> het droogst <mee> gemaakt heeft
  the cloth which he the closet with the driest made has
  'the cloth he made the closet the driest with'
b. de kast waar Jan de bovenkant <*van> droger <van> gemaakt heeft
  the closet which Jan the top.side of drier made has
  'the cupboard of which Jan has made the top side drier'
b'. de kast waar Jan de bovenkant <*van> het droogst <van> gemaakt heeft
  the closet which Jan the top.side of the driest made has
  'the cupboard of which Jan has made the top side the driest'
[+]  D.  Negation

With sentence negation, the complementive can generally either precede or follow the stranded preposition, as shown in (73), although some speakers also prefer the order in which the adjective precedes the stranded preposition in this case.

73
a. de doek waar Jan de kast niet <mee> droog <mee> gemaakt heeft
  the cloth which Jan the closet not with dry made has
  'the cloth that Jan has not dried the cupboard with'
b. de kast waar Jan de bovenkant niet <van> droog <van> gemaakt heeft
  the closet which Jan the top side not of dry made has
  'the cupboard of which Jan has not dried the top side'

However, if the scope of negation is restricted to the complementive, the adjective must precede the stranded preposition. This is illustrated in (74). In (74b), it is not the event of painting that is negated: the negation focuses only on the adjective; the color Jan is using is not green. Contrary to what we find in (74a), the complementive must precede the stranded preposition in this case.

74
a. de kwast waar Jan de deur <mee> groen <mee> verft
  the brush which Jan the door with green paints
  'the brush with which Jan is painting the door green'
b. de kwast waar Jan de deur niet <??mee> groen <mee> verft
  the brush which Jan the door not with green paints
  'the brush with which Jan is painting the door not green (but blue)'
[+]  E.  Leftward movement of the complementive?

It is not immediately clear how the orders in A to D are derived, but there is some evidence that the order in which the complementive precedes the stranded preposition involves leftward movement of the adjective. In Subsection II, we suggested that, in principle, leftward movement of the complementive should allow the verb to be topicalized in isolation, although we have not yet found a fully acceptable example of this type. Now consider the two examples in (75), which involve negation with scope only over the complementive: Jan did not want to paint the door green, but he did want to paint it yellow.

75
a. Jan wil de deur niet groen verven maar geel.
  Jan wants the door not green paint but yellow
  'Jan does not want to paint the door green but yellow.'
b. Verven wil Jan de deur niet groen maar geel.

The acceptability of (75b) would follow if the focus of the negation on the adjective groen forces the adjective to move leftward; as a result, the tie between the verb and the adjective is broken and the verb can be topicalized in isolation. It would follow that the acceptable order in (74b) is the result of leftward movement of the adjective. By extension, we might expect the same thing to hold for the other cases in which the complementive adjectives precede the stranded prepositions; we leave it to future research to explore this suggestion.

[+]  F.  Conclusion

Now that we have established that stranded prepositions can intervene between adjectival complementives and the clause-final verb (cluster), we can further revise the schema in (67) as in (76), where Pstr. stands for the position of the stranded preposition.

76
The position of the complementive in the clause

This concludes our discussion of the distribution of the complementive adjective within the clause: in neuter sentences, the complementive adjective is usually left-adjacent to the clause-final verb cluster unless there is a stranded position competing for the same position: in such cases, the adjective may undergo leftward movement.

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