- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Verbs: Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I: Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 1.0. Introduction
- 1.1. Main types of verb-frame alternation
- 1.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 1.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 1.4. Some apparent cases of verb-frame alternation
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 4.0. Introduction
- 4.1. Semantic types of finite argument clauses
- 4.2. Finite and infinitival argument clauses
- 4.3. Control properties of verbs selecting an infinitival clause
- 4.4. Three main types of infinitival argument clauses
- 4.5. Non-main verbs
- 4.6. The distinction between main and non-main verbs
- 4.7. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb: Argument and complementive clauses
- 5.0. Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 5.4. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc: Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId: Verb clustering
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I: General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II: Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- 11.0. Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1 and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 11.4. Bibliographical notes
- 12 Word order in the clause IV: Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 14 Characterization and classification
- 15 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 15.0. Introduction
- 15.1. General observations
- 15.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 15.3. Clausal complements
- 15.4. Bibliographical notes
- 16 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 16.2. Premodification
- 16.3. Postmodification
- 16.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 16.3.2. Relative clauses
- 16.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 16.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 16.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 16.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 17.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 17.3. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Articles
- 18.2. Pronouns
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Numerals and quantifiers
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Numerals
- 19.2. Quantifiers
- 19.2.1. Introduction
- 19.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 19.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 19.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 19.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 19.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 19.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 19.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 19.5. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Predeterminers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 20.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 20.3. A note on focus particles
- 20.4. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 22 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 23 Characteristics and classification
- 24 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 25 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 26 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 27 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 28 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 29 The partitive genitive construction
- 30 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 31 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- 32.0. Introduction
- 32.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 32.2. A syntactic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.4. Borderline cases
- 32.5. Bibliographical notes
- 33 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 34 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 35 Syntactic uses of adpositional phrases
- 36 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Syntax
-
- General
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
This section discusses the distribution of complementives in the clause. We will see that complementives are usually placed left-adjacent to the verb(s) in clause-final position (if present), unless they have been moved to a more leftward position. If movement does not apply, the complementive and the verb(s) in clause-final position can only be separated by a stranded preposition.
Typically, the position of complementive adjectives is to the left of the main verb in clause-final position: placing the adjective after the main verb leads to serious unacceptability. This is illustrated in (56).
| a. | dat | de jongens | groot | zijn. | |
| that | the boys | big | are |
| a'. | * | dat de jongens zijn groot. |
| b. | dat | Jan zijn haar | zwart | verfde. | |
| that | Jan his hair | black | dyed |
| b'. | * | dat Jan zijn haar verfde zwart. |
| c. | dat | Marie Jan aardig | vindt. | |
| that | Marie Jan nice | considers |
| c'. | * | dat Marie Jan vindt aardig. |
There is a divide between the northern and southern varieties of Dutch regarding the placement of the complementive when the main verb follows one or more auxiliary verbs (modal, aspectual, etc.) in clause-final position. In the northern varieties, the complementive adjective usually precedes all verbs, as in the primeless examples in (57); placement of the adjective between the auxiliary and the main verb, as in the primed examples, is generally rejected, although it should be noted that these orders are occasionally produced and some speakers tend to accept them as marked but acceptable. However, all speakers of the northern varieties of Dutch do agree that making the adjective phrases in (57) more complex by adding a complement or a degree adverb, such as ergvery, renders the primed examples completely unacceptable; the same applies to adjectives in the comparative or superlative forms.
| a. | dat | de jongens | groot | willen | worden. | |
| that | the boys | big | want | become | ||
| 'that the boys want to become big.' | ||||||
| a'. | % | dat de jongens willen groot worden. |
| b. | dat | Jan zijn haar | zwart | wil | verven. | |
| that | Jan his hair | black | wants | dye | ||
| 'that Jan wants to dye his hair black.' | ||||||
| b'. | % | dat Jan zijn haar wil zwart verven. |
| c. | dat | Marie Jan aardig | wil | vinden. | |
| that | Marie Jan nice | want | consider | ||
| 'that Marie wishes to consider Jan kind.' | |||||
| c'. | % | dat Marie Jan wil aardig vinden. |
The use of the percentage sign indicates that the requirement that the clause-final verbs be strictly adjacent to each other does not apply to the southern varieties of Dutch. This is especially clear in the varieties of Dutch spoken in Flanders, where even in formal registers several types of elements can permeate (i.e. break up) the clause-final verbs. In these varieties, the orders in the primed examples in (57) are perfectly acceptable, even if the complementive adjectives are modified. However, whenever the main verb precedes the auxiliary verb(s), a complementive cannot interrupt the verbal sequence in any variety of Dutch (or any other OV-language); cf. the contrast between the primeless and primed examples in (58). We ignore here the orders marked with % and refer the reader to Section V7.4 for further discussion of the permeation of verb clusters.
| a. | dat | Jan <groot> | is <%groot> | geworden <*groot>. | |
| that | Jan big | is | become |
| a'. | dat | Jan <groot> | geworden <*groot> | is <*groot>. | |
| that | Jan big | become | is | ||
| 'that Jan has become big.' | |||||
| b. | dat | Jan zijn haar | <zwart> | heeft <%zwart> | geverfd <*zwart>. | |
| that | Jan his hair | black | has | dyed |
| b'. | dat | Jan zijn haar | <zwart> | geverfd <*zwart> | heeft <*zwart>. | |
| that | Jan his hair | black | dyed | has | ||
| 'that Jan has dyed his hair black.' | ||||||
| c. | dat | Marie Jan altijd | <aardig> | heeft <%aardig> | gevonden <*aardig>. | |
| that | Marie Jan always | nice | has | considered |
| c'. | dat | Marie Jan altijd | <aardig> | gevonden <*aardig> | heeft <*aardig>. | |
| that | Marie Jan always | nice | considered | has | ||
| 'that Marie has always consider Jan kind.' | ||||||
Returning to the aux-main verb orders, we should note that for some more or less fixed adjective-verb combinations, all speakers of Dutch accept the occurrence of the complementive adjective in between the auxiliary and the main verb. These combinations are sometimes considered compounds, which is reflected in the orthographic convention of writing the combination as a single word in the primeless examples of (59). That we are dealing with compounds may find support in the fact that these adjective-verb combinations can be rendered by simple English verbs: to raise, to clean and to drain. It is also suggested by the fact that modification of the adjectives by degree adverbs such as ergvery leads to an awkward result (for speakers of the northern varieties). However, the compound analysis leaves unexplained that modification is also excluded when the adjective and the verb are not adjacent, as in the primed examples (as well as in verb-second contexts).
| a. | dat | hij | zijn kinderen | in slechte omstandigheden | moet | (*erg) grootbrengen. | |
| that | he | his children | in bad circumstances | must | very big.bring |
| a'. | dat | hij | zijn kinderen | in slechte omstandigheden | (*erg) | groot | moet | brengen. | |
| that | he | his children | in bad circumstances | very | big | must | bring | ||
| 'that he has to raise his children in bad circumstances.' | |||||||||
| b. | dat | hij | de badkamer | wil | (*erg) | schoonmaken. | |
| that | he | the bathroom | wants | very | clean.make |
| b'. | dat | hij | de badkamer | (??erg) | schoon | wil | maken. | |
| that | he | the bathroom | very | clean | wants | make | ||
| 'that he wants to clean the bathroom.' | ||||||||
| c. | dat | de regering | de Markerwaard | wil | (*erg) | droogleggen. | |
| that | the government | the Markerwaard | wants | very | dry.put |
| c'. | dat | de regering | de Markerwaard | (*erg) | droog | wil | leggen.’ | |
| that | the government | the Markerwaard | very | dry | wants | put | ||
| 'that the government wants to drain the Markerwaard.' | ||||||||
If the complementive adjective precedes the verb(s) in clause-final position, it is usually also adjacent to it/them: the intervention of elements such as adverbial phrases leads to unacceptability in all varieties of Dutch if the sentence is pronounced with an unmarked intonation pattern (i.e. with sentence accent on the complementive). This is illustrated in (60).
| a. | dat | de jongens | altijd | al | groot | hebben | willen | worden. | |
| that | the boys | always | prt | big | have | want | become | ||
| 'that the boys have always wanted to become big.' | |||||||||
| a'. | * | dat de jongens groot altijd al hebben willen worden. |
| b. | dat | Jan zijn haar | altijd | al | zwart | heeft | willen | verven. | |
| that | Jan his hair | always | prt | black | has | wanted | dye | ||
| 'that Jan has always wanted to dye his hair black.' | |||||||||
| b'. | * | dat Jan zijn haar zwart altijd al heeft willen verven. |
| c. | dat | Marie Jan altijd | al | aardig | heeft | gevonden. | |
| that | Marie Jan always | prt | nice | has | considered | ||
| 'that Marie has always considered Jan to be nice.' | |||||||
| c'. | * | dat Marie Jan aardig altijd al heeft gevonden. |
The general rule for the placement of complementive adjectives can be schematized as in (61): √ indicates the position of the complementive in the “unmarked” construction, % indicates the position where the adjective cannot occur in the northern varieties, and * marks the positions where the adjective cannot occur at all; the dots indicate random strings of elements. Subsection II will show, however, that there are several exceptions to this general schema.
| .... * .... √ Main Verb * |
| .... * .... √ Main Verb * Aux * |
| .... * .... √ Aux % Main Verb * |
To be more precise, we should say that the adjectivw phrase must be adjacent to the clause-final verb(s), since otherwise an example such as (62), in which the intervening PP is an argument of the adjective (cf. Section 24.1), would pose a problem for this claim. For convenience, however, we will stick to our loose formulation in the following discussion.
| dat | Jan [AP | boos op zijn vader] | is. | ||
| that | Jan | angry with his father | is | ||
| 'that Jan is angry with his father.' | |||||
In the following, we will focus on the northern varieties of Dutch and consequently ignore the position in (61) indicated by %. The northern varieties seem to obey the following left-adjacency condition: in neutral clauses, complementives are left-adjacent to the clause-final verb cluster. This condition suggests that there is a close relationship between the verb cluster and the adjective. That this is indeed the case is also clear from the fact, illustrated in (63b-c), that the adjective must be pied-piped by VP-topicalization.
| a. | Jan wil | de deur | niet | groen | verven. | |
| Jan wants | the door | not | green | paint | ||
| 'Jan does not want to paint the door green.' | ||||||
| b. | Groen verven wil Jan de deur niet. |
| c. | * | Verven wil Jan de deur niet groen. |
The examples in (64) show that it is not impossible to separate the verb and the adjective. This frequently happens in verb-second contexts if the main verb is finite, as in (64a). Separation can also result from leftward movement of the complementive adjective. This is illustrated in (64b) for topicalization. The different types of leftward movement that can produce such separation are discussed in Subsection II.
| a. | Jan verft | de deur | groen. | |
| Jan paints | the door | green |
| b. | Groen | wil | Jan de deur | niet | verven. | |
| green | wants | Jan the door | not | paint |
The left-adjacency condition on complementive adjectives can be overridden by assigning contrastive focus accent to the adjective; the primed examples in (60) above become much better in this case. The order in these examples can be improved even further by placing a focus particle such as zothat before the adjective. This is illustrated in the primed examples of (65). The primeless examples show that the complementive adjective can also occupy the unmarked position.
| a. | dat | de jongens | <zo groot> | altijd al <zo groot> | hebben | willen | worden. | |
| that | the boys | that big | always prt | have | want | be | ||
| 'that the boys have always wanted to be this big.' | ||||||||
| b. | dat | Jan zijn haar | <zo zwart> | altijd al <zo zwart> | heeft | willen | verven. | |
| that | Jan his hair | that black | always prt | has | wanted | dye | ||
| 'that Jan has always wanted to dye his hair this black.' | ||||||||
| c. | dat | Marie Jan | <zo aardig> | altijd al <zo aardig> | heeft | gevonden. | |
| that | Marie Jan | that nice | always prt | has | considered | ||
| 'that Marie has always found Jan so nice.' | |||||||
The left-adjacency condition can also be overridden by placing the adjective in clause-initial position by wh-movement or topicalization. We illustrate this in (66) by topicalization. The corresponding wh-constructions can be constructed by the reader by placing the interrogative degree modifier hoehow before the adjective.
| a. | Groot | hebben | de jongens | altijd | al | willen | worden. | |
| big | have | the boys | always | prt | want | become | ||
| 'Big, the boys have always wanted to become.' | ||||||||
| b. | Zwart | heeft | Jan zijn haar | altijd | al | willen | verven. | |
| black | has | Jan his hair | always | prt | wanted | paint | ||
| 'Black, Jan has always wanted to dye his hair.' | ||||||||
| c. | Aardig | heeft | Marie Jan altijd | al | gevonden. | |
| nice | has | Marie Jan always | prt | considered | ||
| 'Nice, Marie has always considered Jan to be.' | ||||||
These examples show that we have to revise the schema in (61) as in (67): again, the dots represent a random string of elements; √ indicates the position of the complementive in the “unmarked” construction; % indicates the position in which the adjective can occur in the eastern but not in the northern varieties; and * marks the positions where the adjective cannot occur in Dutch neutral constructions. In addition, WH/TOP indicates the position of the adjective in topicalization or wh-constructions such as (66), and FOC indicates the position of the adjective in focus constructions such as (65); the asterisk below FOC indicates that this position can only be filled by contrastively focused complementive adjectives.
![]() |
Leftward movement of the adjective breaks the tight relation between the complementive and the verb. We therefore expect that in such cases VP-topicalization can strand the complementive. Of course, this expectation cannot be checked when the complementive itself has undergone wh-movement or topicalization, since the prospective landing site of the VP would already be filled, but it is can be checked when the adjective has undergone focus movement, since this leaves the clause-initial position free for VP-topicalization, as in (68)
| ?? | Verven | wil | Jan de deur | zo groen | toch | echt | niet. | |
| paint | wants | Jan the door | that green | yet | really | not |
Although the markedness of (68) suggests that VP-topicalization is not possible for some reason or other, we will see in the next subsection that leftward movement of the adjective can indeed make it possible for the verb to be topicalized in isolation.
Like complementive adjectives, stranded prepositions are usually left-adjacent to the verb cluster in clause-final position, which implies that the two compete for the same position. However, they can also co-occur in a single clause. Consider example (69a), which contains the split instrument PP waar ... meewith what. At first sight, the order of the stranded preposition mee and the complementive adjective droogdry seems to be free: the stranded preposition mee can either precede or follow the complementive. Essentially the same thing holds for (69b), where the split van-PP functions as a restrictive adverbial phrase. For convenience, we have italicized the stranded preposition and its moved complement, the R-word waar.
| a. | de doek | waar | Jan de kast | <mee> | droog <mee> | gemaakt | heeft | |
| the cloth | which | Jan the cupboard | with | dry | made | has | ||
| 'the cloth Jan has dried the cupboard with' | ||||||||
| b. | de kast | waar | Jan de bovenkant | <van> | droog <van> | gemaakt | heeft | |
| the cupboard | which | Jan the top side | of | dry | made | has | ||
| 'the cupboard the top side of which Jan has dried' | ||||||||
However, the situation is more complex than the examples in (69) suggest; in fact, the general rule seems to be that the stranded preposition follows the complementive adjective. The following subsections discuss various facts that support this claim.
The examples in (69) with free ordering of the complementive and the stranded preposition are all resultative constructions. If we consider the order of the two elements in the vinden-constructions in (70), it turns out that the complementive must precede the stranded preposition, notwithstanding that the unsplit prepositional phrase preferably precedes the complementive adjective.
| a. | dat | Marie haar broer | <in die kleren> | mooi <??in die kleren> | vindt. | |
| that | Marie her brother | in those clothes | beautiful | considers | ||
| 'Marie considers her brother beautiful in those clothes.' | ||||||
| a'. | * | de kleren | waar | Marie haar broer | <*in> | mooi <in> | vindt |
| the clothes | that | Marie her brother | in | beautiful | considers | ||
| 'the clothes in which Marie considers her brother beautiful' | |||||||
| b. | dat | Jan de minister | <in dit document> | gek <*in dit document> | noemt. | |
| that | Jan the minister | in this document | mad | calls | ||
| 'that Jan calls the minister crazy in this document.' | ||||||
| b'. | * | het document waar | Jan de minister | <*in> | gek <in> | noemt |
| the document that | Jan the minister | in | mad | calls | ||
| 'the document in which Jan calls the minister crazy' | ||||||
Note that we have ignored the possibility of PP-over-V, which is not relevant here: dat Marie haar broer mooi vindt in die kleren\`1dat Jan de minister gek noemt in dit document.
If the complementive adjectives in (69) are modified by a degree modifier such as ergvery, the order in which the stranded preposition precedes the adjective becomes unacceptable. The same is true if we replace erg droog by the morphologically amplified compound kurkdroogbone-dry, but this is not illustrated here.
| a. | * | de doek | waar | hij | de kast | <*mee> | erg droog <mee> | gemaakt | heeft |
| the cloth | which | he | the closet | with | very dry | made | has | ||
| 'the cloth hem has made the closet very dry with' | |||||||||
| b. | * | de kast | waar | Jan de bovenkant | <*van> | erg droog <van> | gemaakt | heeft |
| the closet | which | Jan the top side | of | very dry | made | has | ||
| 'the cupboard of which Jan has made the top side very dry' | ||||||||
If the complementive has a comparative or superlative form, the stranded preposition must follow it.
| a. | de doek waar | hij de kast | <*mee> | droger <mee> | gemaakt | heeft | |
| the cloth which | he the closet | with | drier | made | has | ||
| 'the cloth he made the closet drier with' | |||||||
| a'. | de doek waar | hij de kast | <*mee> | het droogst <mee> | gemaakt | heeft | |
| the cloth which | he the closet | with | the driest | made | has | ||
| 'the cloth he made the closet the driest with' | |||||||
| b. | de kast waar | Jan de bovenkant | <*van> | droger <van> | gemaakt | heeft | |
| the closet which | Jan the top.side | of | drier | made | has | ||
| 'the cupboard of which Jan has made the top side drier' | |||||||
| b'. | de kast waar | Jan de bovenkant | <*van> | het droogst <van> | gemaakt | heeft | |
| the closet which | Jan the top.side | of | the driest | made | has | ||
| 'the cupboard of which Jan has made the top side the driest' | |||||||
With sentence negation, the complementive can generally either precede or follow the stranded preposition, as shown in (73), although some speakers also prefer the order in which the adjective precedes the stranded preposition in this case.
| a. | de doek | waar | Jan de kast | niet | <mee> | droog <mee> | gemaakt | heeft | |
| the cloth | which | Jan the closet | not | with | dry | made | has | ||
| 'the cloth that Jan has not dried the cupboard with' | |||||||||
| b. | de kast | waar | Jan de bovenkant | niet | <van> | droog <van> | gemaakt | heeft | |
| the closet | which | Jan the top side | not | of | dry | made | has | ||
| 'the cupboard of which Jan has not dried the top side' | |||||||||
However, if the scope of negation is restricted to the complementive, the adjective must precede the stranded preposition. This is illustrated in (74). In (74b), it is not the event of painting that is negated: the negation focuses only on the adjective; the color Jan is using is not green. Contrary to what we find in (74a), the complementive must precede the stranded preposition in this case.
| a. | de kwast | waar | Jan de deur | <mee> | groen <mee> | verft | |
| the brush | which | Jan the door | with | green | paints | ||
| 'the brush with which Jan is painting the door green' | |||||||
| b. | de kwast | waar | Jan de deur | niet | <??mee> | groen <mee> | verft | |
| the brush | which | Jan the door | not | with | green | paints | ||
| 'the brush with which Jan is painting the door not green (but blue)' | ||||||||
It is not immediately clear how the orders in A to D are derived, but there is some evidence that the order in which the complementive precedes the stranded preposition involves leftward movement of the adjective. In Subsection II, we suggested that, in principle, leftward movement of the complementive should allow the verb to be topicalized in isolation, although we have not yet found a fully acceptable example of this type. Now consider the two examples in (75), which involve negation with scope only over the complementive: Jan did not want to paint the door green, but he did want to paint it yellow.
| a. | Jan wil | de deur | niet | groen | verven | maar | geel. | |
| Jan wants | the door | not | green | paint | but | yellow | ||
| 'Jan does not want to paint the door green but yellow.' | ||||||||
| b. | Verven wil Jan de deur niet groen maar geel. |
The acceptability of (75b) would follow if the focus of the negation on the adjective groen forces the adjective to move leftward; as a result, the tie between the verb and the adjective is broken and the verb can be topicalized in isolation. It would follow that the acceptable order in (74b) is the result of leftward movement of the adjective. By extension, we might expect the same thing to hold for the other cases in which the complementive adjectives precede the stranded prepositions; we leave it to future research to explore this suggestion.
Now that we have established that stranded prepositions can intervene between adjectival complementives and the clause-final verb (cluster), we can further revise the schema in (67) as in (76), where Pstr. stands for the position of the stranded preposition.
![]() |
This concludes our discussion of the distribution of the complementive adjective within the clause: in neuter sentences, the complementive adjective is usually left-adjacent to the clause-final verb cluster unless there is a stranded position competing for the same position: in such cases, the adjective may undergo leftward movement.

