Below two intransitive examples are given of the same verb.

In the last example, the past participle functions in an attributive structure, and it is marked with default adjectival agreement, that is, with a schwa. This verb can also be used in a transitive structure.

The examples are idiomatic. However, the most prominent subgroup of resultatives is reflexive resultatives, that is, cases which are formally transitive but semantically intransitive. Consider the example below:

The object argument is the reflexive sik ‘self’, which is obligatorily bound by the subject. Formally, the structure is transitive, because there are two syntactic arguments, a subject and an object. Semantically, the structure is intransitive because the object must be a reflexive bound by the subject. A similar example is the following, which is closely related semantically to the example discussed above.

The reflexive may be placed before its antecedent, as in the example above, a phenomenon also found in Low Germand and High German. The reflexive may also be found with some of the copular verbs discussed earlier:

There are a few cases of pseudo-transitives in which the AP has lost its literal meaning and receives a high degree reading. An example is the following, where the AP dood ‘dead’ mainly expresses a high degree reading and not its literal meaning:

A clear resultative case featuring a reflexive is the following:

Here the predication mie wurig is the result of the action described in the remainder of the sentence. The argument of the AP is realised as a direct object, and this object must be a reflexive bound by the subject of the sentence. Finally, a special type of predication is restricted to colours, as in the following example:

Kume may be viewed as a transitive involving not two arguments, but an argument and a location. In this example, the PP doesn’t denote a location but a colour, and the verb is used to describe that its argument is close to that colour, but does not quite have it. So it is a predicative construction. Interestingly, this same construction, featuring a PP with a nominalised colour, is also found in West Frisian. West Frisian tends to feature the verb skine ‘shine’ in such examples, and the colour is nominalised by means of a derivational suffix.