- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Verbs: Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I: Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 1.0. Introduction
- 1.1. Main types of verb-frame alternation
- 1.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 1.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 1.4. Some apparent cases of verb-frame alternation
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 4.0. Introduction
- 4.1. Semantic types of finite argument clauses
- 4.2. Finite and infinitival argument clauses
- 4.3. Control properties of verbs selecting an infinitival clause
- 4.4. Three main types of infinitival argument clauses
- 4.5. Non-main verbs
- 4.6. The distinction between main and non-main verbs
- 4.7. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb: Argument and complementive clauses
- 5.0. Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 5.4. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc: Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId: Verb clustering
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I: General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II: Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- 11.0. Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1 and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 11.4. Bibliographical notes
- 12 Word order in the clause IV: Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 14 Characterization and classification
- 15 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 15.0. Introduction
- 15.1. General observations
- 15.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 15.3. Clausal complements
- 15.4. Bibliographical notes
- 16 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 16.2. Premodification
- 16.3. Postmodification
- 16.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 16.3.2. Relative clauses
- 16.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 16.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 16.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 16.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 17.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 17.3. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Articles
- 18.2. Pronouns
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Numerals and quantifiers
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Numerals
- 19.2. Quantifiers
- 19.2.1. Introduction
- 19.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 19.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 19.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 19.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 19.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 19.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 19.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 19.5. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Predeterminers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 20.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 20.3. A note on focus particles
- 20.4. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 22 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 23 Characteristics and classification
- 24 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 25 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 26 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 27 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 28 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 29 The partitive genitive construction
- 30 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 31 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- 32.0. Introduction
- 32.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 32.2. A syntactic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.4. Borderline cases
- 32.5. Bibliographical notes
- 33 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 34 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 35 Syntactic uses of adpositional phrases
- 36 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Syntax
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- General
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- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
This section looks at the syntactic distribution of noun phrases containing one of the variants of heel examined in Section 20.2.2. For each of the uses of heel we will consider whether the relevant noun phrases occur as arguments (subject, direct object, indirect object, complement of a preposition), as predicates and/or as adjuncts.
In discussing the external syntactic distribution of heel phrases, a distinction must be made between the different semantic readings of heel. It turns out that heel phrases generally occur in all argument positions, although a special proviso is needed in the case of the negative polarity reading. Heel phrases, with the notable exception of those with negative polar heel, can generally also be used as predicates or adjuncts. The possibilities are listed in Table 18; the numbers refer to the examples discussed in the following subsections. Negative polarity readings of pre and postdeterminer heel are treated on a par in the following, although the latter is clearly preferred in this function, hence the distinction made in the last column of the table.
| pre-D heel (Q reading) | post-D heel | heel/hele (NPI) | |||
| adjectival | totality | degree | |||
| subject | ✓(316a) | ✓(316b) | ✓(316c) | ✓(316d) | ?/✓(317c-e) |
| direct object | ✓(318a) | ✓(318b) | ✓(318c) | ✓(318d) | ?/✓(318e) |
| indirect object | ✓(319a) | ✓(319b) | ✓(319c) | ✓(319d) | ?/✓(319e) |
| complement of PP | ✓(320a) | ✓(320b) | ✓(320c) | ✓(320d) | ? (320e) |
| predicate | ✓(321a) | ✓(321b) | ✓(321c) | ✓(321d) | * (321e) |
| adjunct | ✓(322a) | ✓(323a) | ✓(322b) | ✓(322c) | * (326) |
Example (316a) shows that the core reading of bare heel phrases (“exhaustive partitioning of structured units”) is readily available in subject position. The adjectival, totality and degree readings of postdeterminer inflectible heel in (316b&c) are also available in subject position.
| a. | Heel | de appel | zit | vol wormen. | Q reading | |
| all | the apple | sits | full [of] worms | |||
| 'The entire apple is full of worms.' | ||||||
| b. | Een hele appel | is beter | dan een halve. | adjectival reading | |
| a whole apple | is better | than a half | |||
| 'A whole apple is better than a half an apple.' | |||||
| c. | De hele appel | zit | vol wormen. | totality reading | |
| the whole apple | sits | full [of] worms | |||
| 'The entire apple is full of worms.' | |||||
| d. | Er | lag | een hele berg appels | op de tafel. | degree reading | |
| there | lay | a whole mountain [of] apples | on the table | |||
| 'There was quite a pile of apples on the table.' | ||||||
The availability of the negative polarity interpretation depends on the type of verb. If the verb is intransitive or transitive, i.e. if the phrase with heel is an underlying subject, this reading is not available; cf. (317a&b). However, if it is a passive or unaccusative verb, i.e. a verb with a theme-subject, the negative polarity interpretation is possible; cf. (317c-e) and also the discussion in Section 20.2.1.2, sub IIC. The question mark preceding predeterminer bare heel is to indicate that it is less preferred on the negative polarity reading than postdeterminer inflectible heel.
| a. | * | Heel die/Die hele vent | werkt | niet. |
| all that/that whole guy | works | not |
| b. | * | Heel die/Die hele vent | heeft | dat boek | niet | gelezen. |
| all that/that whole guy | has | that book | not | read |
| c. | Dat hele/?Heel dat artikel | is door iedereen | al | vergeten. | |
| that whole/all that article | is by everyone | already | forgotten |
| d. | Dat hele/?Heel dat artikel | was toen | nog | niet | verschenen. | |
| that whole/all that article | was then | yet | not | appeared |
| e. | Dat hele/?Heel dat toneelstuk | kan | me | echt | niet | bekoren. | |
| that whole/all that play | can | me | really | not | please |
We will see in the following subsection that theme-subjects behave like objects. This means that, in technical terms, the contrast between (317a&b) and (317c-e) can be explained by assuming that the negative polarity item heel must be c-commanded by its licenser (the negation) at some stage in the derivation.
For direct and indirect objects, acceptable examples can be construed for all the different uses of heel. This is illustrated for direct objects in (318). The question mark preceding predeterminer bare heel in (318e) again indicates that the example with postdeterminer inflectible heel is preferred on the negative polarity reading.
| a. | Ik | heb | heel de appel | opgegeten. | Q reading | |
| I | have | all the apple | prt.-eaten | |||
| 'I ate the entire apple.' | ||||||
| b. | Ik | wil | graag | een hele appel. | adjectival reading | |
| I | want | please | a whole apple | |||
| 'I would like to have a whole apple, please.' | ||||||
| c. | Ik | heb | de hele appel | opgegeten. | totality reading | |
| I | have | the whole apple | prt.-eaten | |||
| 'I ate the entire apple.' | ||||||
| d. | Ik | heb | een hele berg appels | gegeten. | degree reading | |
| I | have | a whole mountain [of] apples | eaten | |||
| 'I ate a whole pile of apples.' | ||||||
| e. | Ik | ken | die hele/?heel die vent | niet. | NPI | |
| I | know | that whole/all that guy | not | |||
| 'I do not know that guy at all.' | ||||||
The examples in (319) give comparable sentences with heel phrases functioning as indirect objects. Example (319a), previously given as (173a), should be seen in the light of the discussion of the role of distributivity in Section 20.2.1.1; cf. also the discussion of the contrast between the examples in (174a) and (195a).
| a. | Ik | heb | heel het huis | een opknapbeurt | gegeven. | Q reading | |
| I | have | all the house | a refurbishment | given | |||
| 'I gave the entire house a facelift.' | |||||||
| b. | Ik | geef | een hele appel | de voorkeur | boven een halve. | adjectival reading | |
| I | give | a whole apple | the preference | over a half | |||
| 'I prefer a whole apple to a half one.' | |||||||
| c. | Ik | heb | het hele huis | een opknapbeurt | gegeven. | totality reading | |
| I | have | the whole house | a refurbishment | given | |||
| 'I gave the entire house a facelift.' | |||||||
| d. | Ik | heb | hele horden mensen | een hand | gegeven. | degree reading | |
| I | have | whole hordes [of] people | a hand | given | |||
| 'I shook hands with immense hordes of people.' | |||||||
| e. | Ik | zou | die hele/?heel die vent | niet eens | een hand | willen | geven. | NPI | |
| I | would | that whole/all that guy | not even | a hand | want | give | |||
| 'I would not even want to shake hands with that guy.' | |||||||||
For the complement of a preposition, acceptable examples can again be easily construed for most uses of heel; the negative polarity reading in (320e) is somewhat marked compared to those in (318e) and (319e), but this may be a more general property of (some) Dutch negative polarity items. Example (320a), formerly (173b), again ties in with the discussion of the role of distributivity in Section 20.2.1.1; cf. also the discussion of the contrast between the examples in (174b) and (195b).
| a. | We | kijken | naar | heel de mens. | Q reading | |
| we | look | at | all the person | |||
| 'We look at the whole person.' | ||||||
| b. | Ik | geef | aan een hele appel | de voorkeur. | adjectival reading | |
| I | give | to a whole apple | the preference | |||
| 'I prefer a whole apple.' | ||||||
| c. | Holistische geneeskunde | kijkt | naar de hele mens. | totality reading | |
| holistic healing | looks | at the whole person |
| d. | Ik | heb | met hele horden mensen | staan | praten. | degree reading | |
| I | have | with whole hordes [of] people | stand | talk | |||
| 'I stood talking with whole hordes of people.' | |||||||
| e. | ? | Ik zou | met die hele/heel die vent | nog geen seconde | willen praten. | NPI |
| I would | with that whole/all that guy | prt no second | want talk | |||
| 'I would not even want to talk to that guy for a second.' | ||||||
The examples in (321) show that all heel phrases can be used as nominal predicates except those involving heel as a negative polarity item expressing condescension.
| a. | Wij | zijn | samen | heel de vakgroep. | Q reading | |
| we | are | together | all the department |
| b. | Deze appel | is | een hele appel. | adjectival reading | |
| this apple | is | a whole apple |
| c. | Wij | zijn | samen | de hele vakgroep. | totality reading | |
| we | are | together | the whole department |
| d. | Wij | zijn | samen | een hele horde mensen. | degree reading | |
| we | are | together | a whole horde [of] people |
| e. | * | Hij | is | toch | niet | heel die/die hele vent | van hiernaast, | hè? | NPI |
| he | is | prt | not | all that/that whole guy | of next.door | tag |
The unacceptability of (321e) is entirely due to the presence of heel/hele; without it, the sentence is perfect. Since the problem with this example is clearly not due to the absence of a c-commanding licenser (as in the subject cases in (317a&b)), there must be some other reason for the unacceptability of (321e). One plausible option would be to attribute it to the fact that predicates usually provide new information, which implies that (321e) violates the °D-linking requirement on the negative polarity reading of heel-phrases; cf. Section 20.2.1.2, sub IIC.
Both predeterminer bare heel and postdeterminer inflectible heel occur in noun phrases that function as adverbial phrases. In (322a&b) heel and hele contribute their core quantificational semantics of exhaustivity/totality. In (322c), on the other hand, the semantics of hele is that of (very) high degree; she cried for a very long time. The difference between (322a&b) and (322c) is confirmed by the different intonation patterns they exhibit; cf. the discussion in Section 20.2.1.2, sub II.
| a. | Heel de dag/tijd | zat | ze | te huilen. | |
| all the day/time | sat | she | to cry |
| a'. | [HEEL de dag]/*[heel de DAG] |
| b. | De hele dag/tijd | zat | ze | te huilen. | |
| the whole day/time | sat | she | to cry | ||
| 'She was crying all day/all the time.' | |||||
| b'. | [de HEle dag]/*[de hele DAG] |
| c. | Hele dagen | zat | ze | te huilen. | |
| whole days | sat | she | to cry | ||
| 'She cried for days.' | |||||
| c'. | [hele DAgen]/*[HEle dagen] |
However, the unacceptable intonation pattern of (322c) is not categorically impossible for hele dagen. The minimal pair in (323a&b) is instructive in this regard. While in the (a)-example the adjunct hele dagen specifies the extent of the entire duration of her work on her dissertation, in the (b)-example hele dagen expresses that she worked on her dissertation for an unspecified number of whole days (i.e. it specifies the amount of time per day that she worked on her dissertation). In its stressed form, hele is adjectival, as can be seen from the fact that hele dagen alternates with halve dagen, as shown in (323c).
| a. | Ze | werkte | hele DAgen | aan haar proefschrift. | |
| she | worked | whole days | on her dissertation | ||
| 'She was working on her dissertation for days (at a stretch).' | |||||
| b. | Ze | werkte | HEle dagen | aan haar proefschrift. | |
| she | worked | whole days | on her dissertation | ||
| 'She worked full-time (whole days) on her dissertation.' | |||||
| c. | Ik | werk | HEle dagen, | maar | hij | werkt | HALve dagen. | |
| I | work | whole days | but | he | works | half days | ||
| 'I work full-time, but he works part-time.' | ||||||||
In (322a&b) the adjunct reading of the heel phrases is available for both pre and postdeterminer heel; the syntax of the overall construction actually makes adjunct construal the only possibility for these heel phrases. In examples of the type in (324), on the other hand, the noun phrase following the verb allows two readings; it can be interpreted either as the object of the verb, in which case the examples can be paraphrased as “she played the entire concert”, or as an adjunct, in which case it can be paraphrased as “she whistled throughout the concert”; cf. Section 21.3 for further discussion.
| a. | Ze | floot | heel het concert. | |
| she | whistled/played the flute | all the concert | ||
| Object reading: 'She played the whole concert.' | ||||
| Adjunct reading: 'She whistled during the whole concert.' | ||||
| b. | Ze | floot | het hele concert. | |
| she | whistled/played the flute | the whole concert | ||
| Object reading: 'She played the whole concert.' | ||||
| Adjunct reading: 'She whistled during the whole concert.' | ||||
The adjunct construal may not be equally successful in the two examples in (324), because some (but not all) speakers find that the object reading is strongly preferred in the case of (324a), while (324b) is ambiguous. This suggests that, at least for a subset of speakers, the adverbial reading of heel phrases with predeterminer bare heel may be restricted.
The discussion above has focused on the interpretation of heel phrases as temporal adverbial phrases. This is indeed by far the most common way in which heel phrases are used as adjuncts; the examples in (325) show that even heel phrases headed by a noun that can otherwise be used as a measure phrase for distance can receive a temporal interpretation, i.e. “during the trip from Amsterdam to Tilburg”.
| a. | Zij | zat | heel de afstand van Amsterdam naar Tilburg | te fluiten. | |
| she | sat | all the distance from Amsterdam to Tilburg | to whistle |
| b. | Zij | zat | de hele afstand van Amsterdam naar Tilburg | te fluiten. | |
| she | sat | the whole distance from Amsterdam to Tilburg | to whistle | ||
| 'All the way from Amsterdam to Tilburg she was whistling.' | |||||
Although we have seen that predeterminer and postdeterminer heel can easily be used in adjuncts, they cannot be interpreted as a negative polarity item expressing condescension; although (326) is perfectly acceptable with an exhaustivity/totality reading of heel/hele, the negative polarity reading is not available.
| Ik | werkte | (heel) die/die (hele) dag | niet | eens! | ||
| I | worked | all that/that whole day | not | even | ||
| 'I didnʼt even work that day!' | ||||||