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5.1.2.Direct object clauses
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This section examines finite direct object clauses. Section 5.1.2.1 deals with a number of verb classes that can select such object clauses, as well as the semantic restrictions imposed on them by the individual members of these classes; for instance, example (27) shows that verbs like zeggento say and vragento ask differ in that the former selects declarative clauses, while the latter selects interrogative clauses.

27
a. Jan zei [dat de bibliotheek gesloten was].
declarative
  Jan said that the library closed was
  'Jan said that the library was closed.'
b. Peter vroeg [of de bibliotheek open was].
interrogative
  Peter asked whether the library open was
  'Peter asked whether the library was open.'

The unmarked position of object clauses is in final position, but Section 5.1.2.2 will show that they can also occur in main-clause initial position. The only possibility blocked for clauses with a neutral intonation pattern is that they are placed in the middle field of the matrix clause (the order in (28c) improves with contrastive accent on the adjective zwanger).

28
a. Jan heeft daarnet nog beweerd [dat Marie zwanger is].
  Jan has just.now still claimed that Marie pregnant is
  'Jan has claimed only just now that Marie is pregnant.'
b. [Dat Marie zwanger is] heeft Jan daarnet nog beweerd.
c. *? Jan heeft [dat Marie zwanger is] daarnet nog beweerd.

Factive constructions, i.e. constructions in which the truth of the embedded clause is presupposed by the speaker, are a systematic exception to this general rule, as shown in (29). Since factivity deserves closer attention, it will be examined in more detail in Section 5.1.2.3.

29
a. Marie zal vanmiddag bekend maken [dat zij zwanger is].
  Marie will this.afternoon public make that she pregnant is
  'This afternoon, Marie will make public that she is pregnant.'
b. [Dat zij zwanger is] zal Marie vanmiddag bekend maken.
c. Marie zal [dat zij zwanger is] vanmiddag bekend maken.

Section 5.1.2.4 concludes the discussion of finite direct object clauses by considering the three types of reported speech illustrated in (30). We will show that, contrary to what is often claimed, there are reasons to assume that direct and semi-direct quotes do not necessarily function as direct object clauses of the matrix verbs.

30
a. Marie zei [dat zij zwanger is].
indirect reported speech
  Marie said that she pregnant is
  'Marie said that she is pregnant.'
b. Marie zei: “Ik ben zwanger.”
direct reported speech
  Marie said I am pregnant
c. Marie zei ze was zwanger.
semi-direct reported speech (erlebte rede)
  Marie said she was pregnant
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