- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Verbs: Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I: Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 1.0. Introduction
- 1.1. Main types of verb-frame alternation
- 1.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 1.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 1.4. Some apparent cases of verb-frame alternation
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 4.0. Introduction
- 4.1. Semantic types of finite argument clauses
- 4.2. Finite and infinitival argument clauses
- 4.3. Control properties of verbs selecting an infinitival clause
- 4.4. Three main types of infinitival argument clauses
- 4.5. Non-main verbs
- 4.6. The distinction between main and non-main verbs
- 4.7. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb: Argument and complementive clauses
- 5.0. Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 5.4. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc: Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId: Verb clustering
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I: General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II: Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- 11.0. Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1 and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 11.4. Bibliographical notes
- 12 Word order in the clause IV: Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 14 Characterization and classification
- 15 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 15.0. Introduction
- 15.1. General observations
- 15.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 15.3. Clausal complements
- 15.4. Bibliographical notes
- 16 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 16.2. Premodification
- 16.3. Postmodification
- 16.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 16.3.2. Relative clauses
- 16.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 16.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 16.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 16.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 17.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 17.3. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Articles
- 18.2. Pronouns
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Numerals and quantifiers
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Numerals
- 19.2. Quantifiers
- 19.2.1. Introduction
- 19.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 19.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 19.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 19.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 19.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 19.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 19.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 19.5. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Predeterminers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 20.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 20.3. A note on focus particles
- 20.4. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 22 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 23 Characteristics and classification
- 24 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 25 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 26 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 27 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 28 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 29 The partitive genitive construction
- 30 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 31 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- 32.0. Introduction
- 32.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 32.2. A syntactic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.4. Borderline cases
- 32.5. Bibliographical notes
- 33 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 34 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 35 Syntactic uses of adpositional phrases
- 36 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Syntax
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- General
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
The inflectional ending of an attributive adjective depends on the gender of the noun it modifies; cf. also Section 23.2. If the noun is masculine or feminine, and therefore belongs to the de-group, the adjective usually ends in -e (pronounced as schwa /ə/), which means that the inflection is independent of the number and definiteness of the noun phrase. If the noun is neuter, and therefore belongs to the het-group, the -e ending is absent in indefinite singular noun phrases. This is illustrated in Table 1, in which the single case of null inflection is given in the box with bold lines.
| singular | plural | |||
| de-nouns | het-nouns | de-nouns | het-nouns | |
| definite | de oude stoel the old chair | het oude boek the old book | de oude stoelen the old chairs | de oude boeken the old books |
| indefinite | een oude stoel an old chair | een oud-∅ boek an old book | oude stoelen old chairs | oude boeken old books |
The paradigm in Table 1 can be described by assuming the rules in (2), in which the features of the noun (phrase) are given in square brackets.
| a. | [+neuter][+indefinite][+singular] ⇒ adjective + ‑∅ |
| b. | otherwise: adjective + ‑e |
Alternatively, we could adopt the rules in (3). Although this set of rules may seem unnecessarily complex at first glance, we will use it as the point of departure for our discussion later in this chapter.
| a. | [‑neuter] | ⇒ adjective + ‑e |
| b. | [‑indefinite] | ⇒ adjective + ‑e |
| c. | [‑singular] | ⇒ adjective + ‑e |
| d. | otherwise: adjective + ‑∅ |
The reason for preferring the rules in (3) is that they are superior to the rules in (2) in that they straightforwardly account for the fact, illustrated in Table 2, that number is irrelevant in the case of non-count nouns: the attributive -e ending is missing in indefinite noun phrases headed by a neuter non-count noun. This would follow from (3), but not from (2) if we assume that the number feature is simply not present in non-count nouns; cf. Broekhuis (2007/2008: §4.2) for more discussion.
| de-noun | het-noun | |
| definite | de lekkere rijst the tasty rice | het lekkere bier the tasty beer |
| indefinite | lekkere rijst tasty rice | lekker-∅ bier tasty beer |
As shown in (4), a noun modified by more than one adjective induces the inflectional ending on each of the adjectives. The (a)-examples illustrate this for the non-neuter noun stoelchair, and the (b)-examples for the neuter noun boekbook.
| a. | een fraai-e oud-e stoel |
| a'. | een fraai-e, maar oud-e stoel |
| * | een fraai-e oud stoel |
| * | een fraai-e, maar oud stoel |
| * | een fraai oud-e stoel | ||
| 'an fine old chair' | |||
| * | een fraai, maar oud-e stoel | ||
| 'an fine but old chair' | |||
| b. | een fraai oud boek |
| b'. | een fraai, maar oud boek |
| * | een fraai oud-e boek |
| * | een fraai, maar oud-e boek |
| * | een fraai-e oud boek | ||
| 'an fine old book' | |||
| * | een fraai-e, maar oud boek | ||
| 'an fine but old book' | |||
We will refer to this phenomenon as the concord constraint on attributive inflection, which is formulated in (5).
| If a noun is modified by more than one attributive adjective, the inflectional endings of the adjectives are identical (unless the ‑e ending is not realized for phonological reasons): |
| * | [NP ... ADJ‑∅ ... ADJ-e ... N] |
| * | [NP ... ADJ-e ... ADJ‑∅ ... N] |
The proviso in parentheses in (5) is necessary because the appearance of the -e ending is partly phonologically determined. As will become clear in Subsection II, this proviso will account for the apparent counterexamples in (6).
| a. | de | oud-e | kaki-∅ | broek | |
| the | old | khaki | trousers |
| b. | de | blauw-e | open-∅ | deur | |
| the | blue | open | door |
Observe that the concord constraint in (5) does not apply to the examples in (7), in which the adjectives should be considered compound forms.
| a. | de | rood-wit-blauw-e | vlag | |
| the | red-white-blue | flag |
| b. | de | rood-met-witt-e | vlag | |
| the | red-with-white | flag |
| c. | de | kant-en-klar-e | maaltijd | |
| the | instant | meal |
| d. | de | Nederlands-Duits-e | betrekkingen | |
| the | Dutch-German | relations |
The paradigm in Table 1 is characteristic for adjectives ending in a consonant (see the examples in the previous subsection), but if the adjective ends in a vowel, the -e ending can sometimes be omitted. This results in the pattern in (8). Short vowels are not mentioned here, because in Dutch they only occur in closed syllables (i.e. syllables ending in a consonant).
| a. | Long vowels: |
| i. | /a/, /o/ and /i/: no inflection |
| ii. | /e/, /y/ and /u/: ‑e inflection (with an intervocalic /j/ or /w/ sound) |
| b. | Diphthong: ‑e inflection |
| c. | Schwa /ə/: no inflection |
The -e inflection is not present when the adjective ends in the long vowel /a/, /o/, or /i/, as illustrated in (9). The number of adjectives belonging to this group is quite small.
| a. | een | prima-∅ | opmerking | |
| an | excellent | remark |
| b. | een | albino-∅ | muis | |
| an | albino | mouse |
| c. | de | kaki-∅ | broek | |
| the | khaki | trousers |
If the adjective ends in /e/, /y/, or /u/, the -e inflection is realized with an intervocalic /j/ (or /w/) sound, which is sometimes orthographically represented by a diaeresis on the inflectional ending (-ë), as in (10a), or by an i preceding the schwa, as in (10c). In (10b) there is no orthographic representation of the intervocalic sound.
| a. | een | gedweeë | man | gedweeë = [xədwejə] | |
| a | docile | man |
| b. | het | continue | gezeur | continue = [kɔntinywə] or [kɔntinyjə] | |
| the | continuous | moaning |
| c. | de | moeie | man | moeie = [mujə] | |
| the | tired | man |
It has been suggested that the difference between (9) and (10) is due to the word-internal prosodic structure: the -e ending only appears when the long vowel is accented. While the adjectives in (10) have word stress on the final syllable, the small number of Dutch adjectives ending in /a:/, /o:/ and /i/ have main stress on the penultimate syllable (indicated by small caps): extra, lilalilac, mica, nappaleather, primaexcellent, albino, francopost-free, kakikhaki, sexy. However, the fact that the number of adjectives ending in a long vowel is small makes it difficult to draw firm conclusions.
If the adjective ends in a diphthong, the -e ending must be used; cf. (11).
| a. | een | vrij-e | stoel | vrije = [vrεiə] | |
| a | free | chair |
| b. | een | lui-e | student | luie = [lœyə] | |
| a | lazy | student |
| c. | een | blauw-e | vaas | blauwe = [blɔue] | |
| a | blue | vase |
If the adjective ends in schwa, the -e inflection is not used; cf. the primeless examples in (12). The primed examples show that adjectives ending in -en (pronounced as schwa in standard Dutch) also lack the -e inflection.
| a. | de | beige-∅/oranje-∅ | ballon | |
| the | beige/orange | balloon |
| a'. | de | dronken-∅ | soldaat | |
| the | drunken | soldier |
| b. | perfide-∅ | opmerkingen | |
| perfidious | remarks |
| b'. | de | open-∅ | deur | |
| the | open | door |
Adjectives ending in -en (schwa) and therefore not appearing in the inflected form are the substance adjectives, like ijzereniron, houtenwooden and goudengolden in (13). Note that the -en ending in these cases is an adjectivizing affix; it clearly cannot be seen as the attributive –e inflection, since it also occurs in indefinite singular neuter noun phrases. The affix -en may be an old genitive ending (Te Winkel 1849), which may still be syntactically active as such; cf. Section 23.3.3, sub V.
| a. | een | ijzeren-∅ | beker/hek | de beker/het hek | |
| an | iron | mug/gate |
| b. | een | houten-∅ | lepel/mes | de lepel/het mes | |
| a | wooden | spoon/knife |
| c. | een | gouden-∅ | oorbel/oorbelletje | de oorbel/het oorbelletje | |
| a | golden | earring/earringdim |
The -e inflection is also usually added to attributively used past/passive participles, as in (14a&b). However, it is not present when the participle has the irregular ending in -en, as in (14a'&b'). Similarly, the -e inflection is absent in attributively used modal infinitives such as te lezen in (14c). The inflectional properties of participles and modal infinitives will be discussed in more detail in Section 31.1.
| a. | de | gepost-e | brief | |
| the | posted | letter |
| a'. | de | geschreven-∅ | brief | |
| the | written | letter |
| b. | de | afgezett-e | koning | |
| the | deposed | king |
| b'. | de | verdreven-∅ | koning | |
| the | ousted | king |
| c. | het | te lezen-∅ | boek | |
| the | to read | book | ||
| 'the book to be read' | ||||
The fact that the -e inflection cannot follow schwa can possibly be attributed to a phonological condition that prohibits two adjacent schwa sounds, although it should be noted that the varieties of Dutch in which -en is pronounced as [(ə)n] do not realize the -e ending in the relevant cases either; appealing to a phonological condition to exclude the attributive -e is not possible in these cases, since /ən/ can be followed by schwa in cases like het opene/geslotene van zijn karakterthe open/close-lipped nature of his character and het geschrevene what was written; cf. Section 27.4, sub II, for a discussion of such examples.
This section has shown that the distribution of the attributive –e ending is largely determined by the syntactic/semantic features of the modified noun, although certain phonological properties of the adjective may also play a role. It should be noted that the current system, according to which all attributive adjectives are inflected except those used in indefinite singular neuter noun phrases, may be under some pressure, as examples such as een mooie meisjeneuter are attested in the language of (immigrant) second-language learners. Although the system currently seems resistant to the spread of such forms, it is not inconceivable that this might happen at some point, which would lead to the abolition of the current inflectional system; cf. Bennis & Hinskens (2014). It is worth mentioning in this context that in Afrikaans, which is diachronically derived from Dutch, the inflectional system has also changed in that the properties of the modified noun no longer play a role and the distribution of the -e ending is mainly determined by the phonological properties of the adjective: the suffix -e is only found with polysyllabic, not monosyllabic adjectives (as well as in certain special contexts); cf. Kotzé (2016) and Kotzé & Breed (2020).