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27.1.1.The inflectional paradigm
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The factors determining the attributive inflection of the attributive adjective can be divided into two groups: the syntactic/semantic features of the noun (phrase), discussed in Subsection I, and the phonological properties of the adjective, discussed in Subsection II.

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[+]  I.  Features of the noun (phrase)

The inflectional ending of an attributive adjective depends on the gender of the noun it modifies; cf. also Section 23.2. If the noun is masculine or feminine, and therefore belongs to the de-group, the adjective usually ends in -e (pronounced as schwa /), which means that the inflection is independent of the number and definiteness of the noun phrase. If the noun is neuter, and therefore belongs to the het-group, the -e ending is absent in indefinite singular noun phrases. This is illustrated in Table 1, in which the single case of null inflection is given in the box with bold lines.

Table 1: The inflectional patterns of attributive adjectives
singular plural
de-nouns het-nouns de-nouns het-nouns
definite de oude stoel
the old chair
het oude boek
the old book
de oude stoelen
the old chairs
de oude boeken
the old books
indefinite een oude stoel
an old chair
een oud- boek
an old book
oude stoelen
old chairs
oude boeken
old books

The paradigm in Table 1 can be described by assuming the rules in (2), in which the features of the noun (phrase) are given in square brackets.

2
Inflection of attributive adjectives
a. [+neuter][+indefinite][+singular] ⇒ adjective + ‑∅
b. otherwise: adjective + ‑e

Alternatively, we could adopt the rules in (3). Although this set of rules may seem unnecessarily complex at first glance, we will use it as the point of departure for our discussion later in this chapter.

3
Inflection of attributive adjectives
a. [‑neuter] ⇒ adjective + ‑e
b. [‑indefinite] ⇒ adjective + ‑e
c. [‑singular] ⇒ adjective + ‑e
d. otherwise: adjective + ‑∅

The reason for preferring the rules in (3) is that they are superior to the rules in (2) in that they straightforwardly account for the fact, illustrated in Table 2, that number is irrelevant in the case of non-count nouns: the attributive -e ending is missing in indefinite noun phrases headed by a neuter non-count noun. This would follow from (3), but not from (2) if we assume that the number feature is simply not present in non-count nouns; cf. Broekhuis (2007/2008: §4.2) for more discussion.

Table 2: The inflection of non-count nouns
de-noun het-noun
definite de lekkere rijst
the tasty rice
het lekkere bier
the tasty beer
indefinite lekkere rijst
tasty rice
lekker- bier
tasty beer

As shown in (4), a noun modified by more than one adjective induces the inflectional ending on each of the adjectives. The (a)-examples illustrate this for the non-neuter noun stoelchair, and the (b)-examples for the neuter noun boekbook.

4
a. een fraai-e oud-e stoel
a'. een fraai-e, maar oud-e stoel
* een fraai-e oud stoel
* een fraai-e, maar oud stoel
* een fraai oud-e stoel
'an fine old chair'
* een fraai, maar oud-e stoel
'an fine but old chair'
b. een fraai oud boek
b'. een fraai, maar oud boek
* een fraai oud-e boek
* een fraai, maar oud-e boek
* een fraai-e oud boek
'an fine old book'
* een fraai-e, maar oud boek
'an fine but old book'

We will refer to this phenomenon as the concord constraint on attributive inflection, which is formulated in (5).

5
Concord constraint on attributive inflection:
If a noun is modified by more than one attributive adjective, the inflectional endings of the adjectives are identical (unless the ‑e ending is not realized for phonological reasons):
* [NP ... ADJ‑ ... ADJ-e ... N]
* [NP ... ADJ-e ... ADJ‑ ... N]

The proviso in parentheses in (5) is necessary because the appearance of the -e ending is partly phonologically determined. As will become clear in Subsection II, this proviso will account for the apparent counterexamples in (6).

6
a. de oud-e kaki- broek
  the old khaki trousers
b. de blauw-e open- deur
  the blue open door

Observe that the concord constraint in (5) does not apply to the examples in (7), in which the adjectives should be considered compound forms.

7
a. de rood-wit-blauw-e vlag
  the red-white-blue flag
b. de rood-met-witt-e vlag
  the red-with-white flag
c. de kant-en-klar-e maaltijd
  the instant meal
d. de Nederlands-Duits-e betrekkingen
  the Dutch-German relations
[+]  II.  Phonological constraints

The paradigm in Table 1 is characteristic for adjectives ending in a consonant (see the examples in the previous subsection), but if the adjective ends in a vowel, the -e ending can sometimes be omitted. This results in the pattern in (8). Short vowels are not mentioned here, because in Dutch they only occur in closed syllables (i.e. syllables ending in a consonant).

8
a. Long vowels:
i. /a/, /o/ and /i/: no inflection
ii. /e/, /y/ and /u/: ‑e inflection (with an intervocalic /j/ or /w/ sound)
b. Diphthong: ‑e inflection
c. Schwa /ə/: no inflection
[+]  A.  Long vowels

The -e inflection is not present when the adjective ends in the long vowel /a/, /o/, or /i/, as illustrated in (9). The number of adjectives belonging to this group is quite small.

9
Adjectives that end in /a/, /o/ or /i/
a. een prima- opmerking
  an excellent remark
b. een albino- muis
  an albino mouse
c. de kaki- broek
  the khaki trousers

If the adjective ends in /e/, /y/, or /u/, the -e inflection is realized with an intervocalic /j/ (or /w/) sound, which is sometimes orthographically represented by a diaeresis on the inflectional ending (), as in (10a), or by an i preceding the schwa, as in (10c). In (10b) there is no orthographic representation of the intervocalic sound.

10
Adjectives that end in /e/, /y/ or /u/
a. een gedweeë man
gedweeë = [xədwejə]
  a docile man
b. het continue gezeur
continue = [kɔntinywə] or [kɔntinyjə]
  the continuous moaning
c. de moeie man
moeie = [mujə]
  the tired man

It has been suggested that the difference between (9) and (10) is due to the word-internal prosodic structure: the -e ending only appears when the long vowel is accented. While the adjectives in (10) have word stress on the final syllable, the small number of Dutch adjectives ending in /a:/, /o:/ and /i/ have main stress on the penultimate syllable (indicated by small caps): extra, lilalilac, mica, nappaleather, primaexcellent, albino, francopost-free, kakikhaki, sexy. However, the fact that the number of adjectives ending in a long vowel is small makes it difficult to draw firm conclusions.

[+]  B.  Diphthong

If the adjective ends in a diphthong, the -e ending must be used; cf. (11).

11
Adjectives that end in a diphthong
a. een vrij-e stoel
vrije = [vrεiə]
  a free chair
b. een lui-e student
luie = [lœyə]
  a lazy student
c. een blauw-e vaas
blauwe = [blɔue]
  a blue vase
[+]  C.  Schwa

If the adjective ends in schwa, the -e inflection is not used; cf. the primeless examples in (12). The primed examples show that adjectives ending in -en (pronounced as schwa in standard Dutch) also lack the -e inflection.

12
Adjectives that end in a schwa (-e or -en)
a. de beige-/oranje- ballon
  the beige/orange balloon
a'. de dronken- soldaat
  the drunken soldier
b. perfide- opmerkingen
  perfidious remarks
b'. de open- deur
  the open door

Adjectives ending in -en (schwa) and therefore not appearing in the inflected form are the substance adjectives, like ijzereniron, houtenwooden and goudengolden in (13). Note that the -en ending in these cases is an adjectivizing affix; it clearly cannot be seen as the attributive e inflection, since it also occurs in indefinite singular neuter noun phrases. The affix -en may be an old genitive ending (Te Winkel 1849), which may still be syntactically active as such; cf. Section 23.3.3, sub V.

13
Substance adjectives
a. een ijzeren- beker/hek
de beker/het hek
  an iron mug/gate
b. een houten- lepel/mes
de lepel/het mes
  a wooden spoon/knife
c. een gouden- oorbel/oorbelletje
de oorbel/het oorbelletje
  a golden earring/earringdim

The -e inflection is also usually added to attributively used past/passive participles, as in (14a&b). However, it is not present when the participle has the irregular ending in -en, as in (14a'&b'). Similarly, the -e inflection is absent in attributively used modal infinitives such as te lezen in (14c). The inflectional properties of participles and modal infinitives will be discussed in more detail in Section 31.1.

14
a. de gepost-e brief
  the posted letter
a'. de geschreven- brief
  the written letter
b. de afgezett-e koning
  the deposed king
b'. de verdreven- koning
  the ousted king
c. het te lezen- boek
  the to read book
  'the book to be read'

The fact that the -e inflection cannot follow schwa can possibly be attributed to a phonological condition that prohibits two adjacent schwa sounds, although it should be noted that the varieties of Dutch in which -en is pronounced as [(ə)n] do not realize the -e ending in the relevant cases either; appealing to a phonological condition to exclude the attributive -e is not possible in these cases, since /ən/ can be followed by schwa in cases like het opene/geslotene van zijn karakterthe open/close-lipped nature of his character and het geschrevene what was written; cf. Section 27.4, sub II, for a discussion of such examples.

[+]  III.  Conclusion

This section has shown that the distribution of the attributive –e ending is largely determined by the syntactic/semantic features of the modified noun, although certain phonological properties of the adjective may also play a role. It should be noted that the current system, according to which all attributive adjectives are inflected except those used in indefinite singular neuter noun phrases, may be under some pressure, as examples such as een mooie meisjeneuter are attested in the language of (immigrant) second-language learners. Although the system currently seems resistant to the spread of such forms, it is not inconceivable that this might happen at some point, which would lead to the abolition of the current inflectional system; cf. Bennis & Hinskens (2014). It is worth mentioning in this context that in Afrikaans, which is diachronically derived from Dutch, the inflectional system has also changed in that the properties of the modified noun no longer play a role and the distribution of the -e ending is mainly determined by the phonological properties of the adjective: the suffix -e is only found with polysyllabic, not monosyllabic adjectives (as well as in certain special contexts); cf. Kotzé (2016) and Kotzé & Breed (2020).

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