- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Verbs: Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I: Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 1.0. Introduction
- 1.1. Main types of verb-frame alternation
- 1.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 1.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 1.4. Some apparent cases of verb-frame alternation
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa: Selected clauses/verb phrases (introduction)
- 4.0. Introduction
- 4.1. Semantic types of finite argument clauses
- 4.2. Finite and infinitival argument clauses
- 4.3. Control properties of verbs selecting an infinitival clause
- 4.4. Three main types of infinitival argument clauses
- 4.5. Non-main verbs
- 4.6. The distinction between main and non-main verbs
- 4.7. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb: Argument and complementive clauses
- 5.0. Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 5.4. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc: Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId: Verb clustering
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I: General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II: Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- 11.0. Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1 and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 11.4. Bibliographical notes
- 12 Word order in the clause IV: Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 14 Characterization and classification
- 15 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 15.0. Introduction
- 15.1. General observations
- 15.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 15.3. Clausal complements
- 15.4. Bibliographical notes
- 16 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 16.2. Premodification
- 16.3. Postmodification
- 16.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 16.3.2. Relative clauses
- 16.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 16.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 16.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 16.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 17.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 17.3. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Articles
- 18.2. Pronouns
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Numerals and quantifiers
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Numerals
- 19.2. Quantifiers
- 19.2.1. Introduction
- 19.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 19.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 19.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 19.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 19.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 19.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 19.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 19.5. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Predeterminers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 20.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 20.3. A note on focus particles
- 20.4. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 22 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 23 Characteristics and classification
- 24 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 25 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 26 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 27 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 28 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 29 The partitive genitive construction
- 30 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 31 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- 32.0. Introduction
- 32.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 32.2. A syntactic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 32.4. Borderline cases
- 32.5. Bibliographical notes
- 33 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 34 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 35 Syntactic uses of adpositional phrases
- 36 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 32 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Syntax
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- General
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- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
Set-denoting adjectives can be used in attributive, predicative, and adverbial position, and can also occur in the so-called partitive genitive construction. This section examines whether the comparative and superlative forms of gradable set-denoting adjectives have the same distribution as the positive form.
Comparatives and superlatives can both occur in attributive position. The attributive -e ending, which appears on the adjective in the positive degree in (125a), is inflectional in nature and therefore follows the majorative/maximative affix -er/-st in (125b&c).
| a. | de/een | intelligent-e | vrouw | positive | |
| the/an | intelligent | woman |
| b. | een | intelligent-er-e | vrouw | (dan/als Marie) | majorative | |
| a | more.intelligent | woman | than Marie |
| c. | de | (*het) | intelligent-st-e | vrouw | (van de club) | maximative | |
| the | the | most.intelligent | woman | of the club |
In the periphrastic forms in (126), the -e ending appears on the adjective itself.
| a. | een | even | intelligent-e | vrouw | (als Marie) | equative | |
| an | as | intelligent | woman | as Marie |
| b. | een | minder | intelligent-e | vrouw | (dan/als Marie) | minorative | |
| a | less | intelligent | woman | than Marie |
| c. | de | (*het) | minst | intelligent-e | vrouw | (van de club) | minimative | |
| the | the | least | intelligent | woman | of the club |
The (c)-examples above also show that the element het, which obligatorily accompanies predicatively used superlatives, cannot be used when the superlative is used in attributive position. The following subsections will further show that the attributive use of the equative, comparative and superlative can have an effect on the determiner selected by the noun phrase.
The (a)-examples in (127) make it clear that noun phrases containing an attributive adjective in the positive form can take either the indefinite article eena/Ø or the definite article de/hetthe; cf. Section N18.1 for the distribution of articles. However, if we replace the positive form by its superlative counterpart, only the definite determiner can be used; the (b) and (c)-examples in (127) yield an unacceptable result with the indefinite article een/Ø. This is a matter of semantics; the meaning of the indefinite determiner is incompatible with the meaning of the superlative, which picks out a specific entity (or group of entities) from the domain of discourse.
| a. | de/een | intelligent-e | vrouw | |
| the/an | intelligent | woman |
| a'. | de/Ø | intelligent-e | vrouwen | |
| the/Ø | intelligent | women |
| b. | de/*een | intelligent-st-e | vrouw | (van de club) | |
| the/a | most.intelligent | woman | of the club |
| b'. | de/*Ø | intelligent-st-e | vrouwen | (van de club) | |
| the/Ø | most.intelligent | women | of the club |
| c. | de/*een | minst | intelligent-e | vrouw | (van de club) | |
| the/a | least | intelligent | woman | of the club |
| c'. | de/* Ø | minst | intelligent-e | vrouwen | (van de club) | |
| the/Ø | least | intelligent | women | of the club |
An apparently exceptional case is (128), but the “comparative” forms hoogst and uiterst are actually adverbial amplifiers, which lack a corresponding positive and comparative form; cf. Section 25.1.2, sub I.
| een | hoogst/uiterst | intelligente | vrouw | ||
| an | extremely | intelligent | woman | ||
| 'a most intelligent woman' | |||||
Note in passing that, unlike English most, the superlative form meest cannot be used in this function: cf. a most interesting woman versus *een meest interessante vrouw (Carole Boster, p.c.).
The examples in (129) show that the attributive use of equatives is excluded in definite singular noun phrases, but allowed in definite plural noun phrases. This has to do with the fact that the comparison implied by the two examples in (129) is different. In (129a), the comparison set is expressed by the als-phrase: the woman referred to is as intelligent as Marie. In (129b), on the other hand, the comparison set consists of the two women referred to, and it is claimed that they are equally intelligent. This implies that an als-phrase is not needed to express the comparison set, and in actual fact is not used.
| a. | een/*de/??deze | even | intelligente | vrouw | (als Marie) | |
| an/the/this | as | intelligent | woman | as Marie |
| b. | Ø/de/deze | twee | even | intelligente | vrouwen | (*als ...) | |
| Ø/the/these | two | as | intelligent | women | as |
Attributively used comparatives usually occur in indefinite noun phrases. Definite noun phrases with comparative forms do occur, but they produce certain special effects. First, (130b) shows that adding a comparative dan/als-phrase to a definite noun phrase with an attributively used comparative form leads to unacceptability.
| a. | de | intelligentere | vrouw | |
| the | more.intelligent | woman |
| b. | * | de | intelligentere | vrouw | dan/als Marie |
| the | more.intelligent | woman | than Marie |
Second, examples such as (130a) get a kind of “superlative” meaning. A first indication of this is that adding a superlative van-phrase to (130a) gives rise to an acceptable result, while this is completely excluded in noun phrases with an indefinite article; cf. the contrast between the two primeless examples in (131). Furthermore, (131a) means practically the same as (131a'), with a superlative replacing the comparative; note that the head noun is preferably omitted in the two (a)-examples.
| a. | de | intelligentere | (?vrouw) | van de twee | |
| the | more.intelligent | woman | of the two |
| a'. | de | intelligentste | (?vrouw) | van de twee | |
| the | most.intelligent | woman | of the two |
| b. | * | een | intelligentere | vrouw | van de twee |
| a | more.intelligent | woman | of the two |
Finally, the examples in (132), in which the majorative beterbetter occurs, are special in yet another way. These examples do not denote a specific token, but a type: they refer to a subset of the set denoted by the head noun, which has the special property of satisfying a certain high standard. For instance, example (132a) refers to literary books and (132b) refers to bookshops with a wide range or a high prestige.
| a. | het | betere | boek | |
| the | better | book | ||
| 'quality books' | ||||
| b. | de | betere | boekwinkel | |
| the | better | bookshop | ||
| 'the better (i.e. well-stocked/quality) bookstore' | ||||
All three degrees of comparison can occur in predicative position. A special property of the superlative in this position is that it must be preceded by the element het, which is not the case when it occurs in attributive position; cf. (125/126c). So, while the (b) and (c)-examples in (133) show that the equative form even intelligent and the comparative form intelligenter can be used in the copular construction as such, the (d)-examples show that the superlative forms intelligentst and minst intelligent must be preceded by het.
| a. | Marie is intelligent. | |
| Marie is intelligent |
| b. | Marie is even intelligent. | |
| Marie is as intelligent |
| c. | Marie is intelligenter. | |
| Marie is more.intelligent |
| c'. | Marie is minder | intelligent. | |
| Marie is less | intelligent |
| d. | Marie is *(het) | intelligentst. | |
| Marie is the | most.intelligent |
| d'. | Marie is *(het) | minst intelligent. | |
| Marie is the | least intelligent |
That the superlative must be preceded by het applies not only in the copular construction, but also in the resultative and vinden-constructions in (134).
| a. | Jan streek | die broek | *(het) | gladst. | |
| Jan ironed | those trousers | the | smoothest |
| a'. | Jan streek | die broek | *(het) | minst glad. | |
| Jan ironed | those trousers | the | least smooth |
| b. | Jan vond | de eerste foto | *(het) | mooist. | |
| Jan considered | the first picture | the | most.beautiful |
| b'. | Jan vond | de eerste foto | *(het) | minst mooi. | |
| Jan considered | the first picture | the | least beautiful |
However, for a predicatively used adjective in the superlative form to be used in an attributively used participle phrase (PartP), the element het is preferably dropped if it is adjacent to the determiner. This can be seen by comparing the (a)-examples in (134) with example (135a). If the determiner and het are separated by another phrase, as in (135b), het must be realized.
| a. | de | [PartP | (?het) | gladst/minst glad | gestreken] | broek | ||
| the | [PartP | the | smoothest/least smooth | ironed | trousers | |||
| 'the trousers that were ironed the smoothest/least smooth' | ||||||||
| b. | de [PartP | door Peter | *(het) | gladst/minst glad | gestreken] | broek | |
| the | by Peter | the | smoothest/least smooth | ironed | trousers |
Sometimes, however, it is not immediately clear whether an adjective is being used predicatively or attributively. This is because, in certain contexts, noun phrases of the form determiner–adjective–noun undergo N-ellipsis, resulting in the string determiner–adjective. For example, the noun phrase de blauwe avondjurkthe blue evening gown can occasionally appear as de blauwe [e]the blue one, where e stands for the phonetically empty head noun; cf. Section 27.4. For our present topic, it is relevant that N-ellipsis can also apply in predicative constructions like (136).
| a. | De eerste foto is [NP de mooiste [e]]. | |
| 'The first picture is the most beautiful one.' |
| b. | Jan vond de eerste foto [NP de mooiste [e]]. | |
| 'Jan considered the first picture the most beautiful one.' |
Consequently, when we are dealing with a neuter noun, predicative constructions like (137a&a'), which take a reduced noun phrase such as het mooiste [e] as their predicate, can easily be confused with predicative constructions like (137b&b'), which take the superlative form het mooist as their predicate.
| a. | Het eerste boek is [NP het mooiste [e]]. | |
| 'The first book is the most beautiful one.' |
| a'. | Jan vond het eerste boek [NP het mooiste [e]] | |
| 'Jan considered the first book the most beautiful one.' |
| b. | Het eerste boek is [AP het mooist]. | |
| 'The first book is the most beautiful.' |
| b'. | Jan vond het eerste boek [AP het mooist]. | |
| 'Jan considered the first book the most beautiful.' |
This problem of confusing the two constructions is aggravated by the fact that in colloquial speech the predicatively used superlative is sometimes also realized with a schwa ending. An example such as De eerste foto is het mooist(e) cannot be analyzed as in (138a), because the empty noun e must be understood as identical with the noun foto and thus must select the non-neuter article de, leaving only the analysis in (138b). This suggests that the strings in the (a)-examples of (137) can also be assigned an alternative analysis involving a predicative AP.
| a. | * | De eerste foto is [NP het mooist(e) [e]]. |
| b. | De eerste foto is [AP het mooist(e)]. | |
| 'The first picture is the most beautiful.' |
A special case of the predicative use of the majorative is found in idiomatic copular constructions with the dynamic verb wordento become, as in (139), which yield the process meaning “to improve” and “to deteriorate”. That these are idiomatic expressions is clear from the fact that the pronominal PP er ... op is non-referential and can never be replaced by a PP of the form P + NP. The diacritics in these examples show that, in our view, there is a marked difference between the use of the positively valued predicate beterbetter and the negatively valued predicate slechterworse; the form beter is preferred with (quasi-)negation, while the form slechter is preferred with an adverbial phrase such as alleen maaronly. However, since these judgments are not shared by all speakers, we leave this to future research.
| a. | De situatie | wordt | er | niet | beter/%slechter | op. | |
| the situation | becomes | ER | not | better/worse | op | ||
| 'The situation is not improving.' | |||||||
| a'. | De situatie | wordt | er | weinig | beter/%slechter | op. | |
| the situation | becomes | ER | little | better/worse | op | ||
| 'The situation is not improving much.' | |||||||
| b. | De situatie | wordt | er | alleen maar | slechter/%beter | op. | |
| the situation | becomes | ER | only | worse/better | op | ||
| 'The situation is only deteriorating.' | |||||||
The three degrees of comparison can also be found in adverbial position. Example (140d) shows that like predicatively used superlatives, adverbially used superlatives should normally be preceded by the element het.
| a. | Peter liep | hard. | |
| Peter ran | fast | ||
| 'Peter was running fast.' | |||
| b. | Peter liep | even hard. | |
| Peter ran | as fast |
| c. | Peter liep | harder/minder hard. | |
| Peter ran | faster/less fast |
| d. | Peter liep | *(het) | hardst/minst hard. | |
| Peter ran | the | fastest/least fast |
However, when a superlative adverbial phrase is contained in an attributively used participle phrase, the element het is usually omitted if the superlative is adjacent to the determiner. This can be seen by comparing (140d) with example (141a). When the determiner and het are separated by another phrase, as in (141b), het becomes obligatory again.
| a. | de [PartP | (?het) | hardst/minst | hard | lopende] | jongen | |
| the | the | fastest/least | fast | running | boy | ||
| 'the boy who runs the fastest/least fast' | |||||||
| b. | de [PartP | steeds | weer | *(het) | hardst | lopende] | jongen | |
| the | always | again | the | fastest | running | boy |
In the partitive genitive construction, equatives or comparatives can be used, but superlatives are blocked. We return to this fact, illustrated in (142), in Section 29.2.3, sub IE.
| a. | iets | moois | |
| something | beautiful |
| e. | iets | leuks | |
| something | funny |
| b. | iets | even moois | |
| something | as beautiful |
| f. | iets | even leuks | |
| something | as funny |
| c. | iets | mooiers | |
| something | more.beautiful |
| g. | iets | leukers | |
| something | more.funny |
| d. | * | iets | (het) | mooist |
| something | the | most.beautiful |
| h. | * | iets | (het) | leukst |
| something | the | funniest |