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26.2. Syntactic uses of equatives, comparatives and superlatives
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Set-denoting adjectives can be used in attributive, predicative, and adverbial position, and can also occur in the so-called partitive genitive construction. This section examines whether the comparative and superlative forms of gradable set-denoting adjectives have the same distribution as the positive form.

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[+]  I.  Attributive use

Comparatives and superlatives can both occur in attributive position. The attributive -e ending, which appears on the adjective in the positive degree in (125a), is inflectional in nature and therefore follows the majorative/maximative affix -er/-st in (125b&c).

125
a. de/een intelligent-e vrouw
positive
  the/an intelligent woman
b. een intelligent-er-e vrouw (dan/als Marie)
majorative
  a more.intelligent woman than Marie
c. de (*het) intelligent-st-e vrouw (van de club)
maximative
  the the most.intelligent woman of the club

In the periphrastic forms in (126), the -e ending appears on the adjective itself.

126
a. een even intelligent-e vrouw (als Marie)
equative
  an as intelligent woman as Marie
b. een minder intelligent-e vrouw (dan/als Marie)
minorative
  a less intelligent woman than Marie
c. de (*het) minst intelligent-e vrouw (van de club)
minimative
  the the least intelligent woman of the club

The (c)-examples above also show that the element het, which obligatorily accompanies predicatively used superlatives, cannot be used when the superlative is used in attributive position. The following subsections will further show that the attributive use of the equative, comparative and superlative can have an effect on the determiner selected by the noun phrase.

[+]  A.  Superlative form

The (a)-examples in (127) make it clear that noun phrases containing an attributive adjective in the positive form can take either the indefinite article eena/Ø or the definite article de/hetthe; cf. Section N18.1 for the distribution of articles. However, if we replace the positive form by its superlative counterpart, only the definite determiner can be used; the (b) and (c)-examples in (127) yield an unacceptable result with the indefinite article een/Ø. This is a matter of semantics; the meaning of the indefinite determiner is incompatible with the meaning of the superlative, which picks out a specific entity (or group of entities) from the domain of discourse.

127
a. de/een intelligent-e vrouw
  the/an intelligent woman
a'. de/Ø intelligent-e vrouwen
  the/Ø intelligent women
b. de/*een intelligent-st-e vrouw (van de club)
  the/a most.intelligent woman of the club
b'. de/*Ø intelligent-st-e vrouwen (van de club)
  the/Ø most.intelligent women of the club
c. de/*een minst intelligent-e vrouw (van de club)
  the/a least intelligent woman of the club
c'. de/* Ø minst intelligent-e vrouwen (van de club)
  the/Ø least intelligent women of the club

An apparently exceptional case is (128), but the “comparative” forms hoogst and uiterst are actually adverbial amplifiers, which lack a corresponding positive and comparative form; cf. Section 25.1.2, sub I.

128
een hoogst/uiterst intelligente vrouw
  an extremely intelligent woman
'a most intelligent woman'

Note in passing that, unlike English most, the superlative form meest cannot be used in this function: cf. a most interesting woman versus *een meest interessante vrouw (Carole Boster, p.c.).

[+]  B.  Equative form

The examples in (129) show that the attributive use of equatives is excluded in definite singular noun phrases, but allowed in definite plural noun phrases. This has to do with the fact that the comparison implied by the two examples in (129) is different. In (129a), the comparison set is expressed by the als-phrase: the woman referred to is as intelligent as Marie. In (129b), on the other hand, the comparison set consists of the two women referred to, and it is claimed that they are equally intelligent. This implies that an als-phrase is not needed to express the comparison set, and in actual fact is not used.

129
a. een/*de/??deze even intelligente vrouw (als Marie)
  an/the/this as intelligent woman as Marie
b. Ø/de/deze twee even intelligente vrouwen (*als ...)
  Ø/the/these two as intelligent women as
[+]  C.  Comparative form

Attributively used comparatives usually occur in indefinite noun phrases. Definite noun phrases with comparative forms do occur, but they produce certain special effects. First, (130b) shows that adding a comparative dan/als-phrase to a definite noun phrase with an attributively used comparative form leads to unacceptability.

130
a. de intelligentere vrouw
  the more.intelligent woman
b. * de intelligentere vrouw dan/als Marie
  the more.intelligent woman than Marie

Second, examples such as (130a) get a kind of “superlative” meaning. A first indication of this is that adding a superlative van-phrase to (130a) gives rise to an acceptable result, while this is completely excluded in noun phrases with an indefinite article; cf. the contrast between the two primeless examples in (131). Furthermore, (131a) means practically the same as (131a'), with a superlative replacing the comparative; note that the head noun is preferably omitted in the two (a)-examples.

131
a. de intelligentere (?vrouw) van de twee
  the more.intelligent woman of the two
a'. de intelligentste (?vrouw) van de twee
  the most.intelligent woman of the two
b. * een intelligentere vrouw van de twee
  a more.intelligent woman of the two

Finally, the examples in (132), in which the majorative beterbetter occurs, are special in yet another way. These examples do not denote a specific token, but a type: they refer to a subset of the set denoted by the head noun, which has the special property of satisfying a certain high standard. For instance, example (132a) refers to literary books and (132b) refers to bookshops with a wide range or a high prestige.

132
a. het betere boek
  the better book
  'quality books'
b. de betere boekwinkel
  the better bookshop
  'the better (i.e. well-stocked/quality) bookstore'
[+]  II.  Predicative use

All three degrees of comparison can occur in predicative position. A special property of the superlative in this position is that it must be preceded by the element het, which is not the case when it occurs in attributive position; cf. (125/126c). So, while the (b) and (c)-examples in (133) show that the equative form even intelligent and the comparative form intelligenter can be used in the copular construction as such, the (d)-examples show that the superlative forms intelligentst and minst intelligent must be preceded by het.

133
a. Marie is intelligent.
  Marie is intelligent
b. Marie is even intelligent.
  Marie is as intelligent
c. Marie is intelligenter.
  Marie is more.intelligent
c'. Marie is minder intelligent.
  Marie is less intelligent
d. Marie is *(het) intelligentst.
  Marie is the most.intelligent
d'. Marie is *(het) minst intelligent.
  Marie is the least intelligent

That the superlative must be preceded by het applies not only in the copular construction, but also in the resultative and vinden-constructions in (134).

134
a. Jan streek die broek *(het) gladst.
  Jan ironed those trousers the smoothest
a'. Jan streek die broek *(het) minst glad.
  Jan ironed those trousers the least smooth
b. Jan vond de eerste foto *(het) mooist.
  Jan considered the first picture the most.beautiful
b'. Jan vond de eerste foto *(het) minst mooi.
  Jan considered the first picture the least beautiful

However, for a predicatively used adjective in the superlative form to be used in an attributively used participle phrase (PartP), the element het is preferably dropped if it is adjacent to the determiner. This can be seen by comparing the (a)-examples in (134) with example (135a). If the determiner and het are separated by another phrase, as in (135b), het must be realized.

135
a. de [PartP (?het) gladst/minst glad gestreken] broek
  the the smoothest/least smooth ironed trousers
  'the trousers that were ironed the smoothest/least smooth'
b. de [PartP door Peter *(het) gladst/minst glad gestreken] broek
  the by Peter the smoothest/least smooth ironed trousers

Sometimes, however, it is not immediately clear whether an adjective is being used predicatively or attributively. This is because, in certain contexts, noun phrases of the form determiner–adjective–noun undergo N-ellipsis, resulting in the string determiner–adjective. For example, the noun phrase de blauwe avondjurkthe blue evening gown can occasionally appear as de blauwe [e]the blue one, where e stands for the phonetically empty head noun; cf. Section 27.4. For our present topic, it is relevant that N-ellipsis can also apply in predicative constructions like (136).

136
a. De eerste foto is [NP de mooiste [e]].
  'The first picture is the most beautiful one.'
b. Jan vond de eerste foto [NP de mooiste [e]].
  'Jan considered the first picture the most beautiful one.'

Consequently, when we are dealing with a neuter noun, predicative constructions like (137a&a'), which take a reduced noun phrase such as het mooiste [e] as their predicate, can easily be confused with predicative constructions like (137b&b'), which take the superlative form het mooist as their predicate.

137
a. Het eerste boek is [NP het mooiste [e]].
  'The first book is the most beautiful one.'
a'. Jan vond het eerste boek [NP het mooiste [e]]
  'Jan considered the first book the most beautiful one.'
b. Het eerste boek is [AP het mooist].
  'The first book is the most beautiful.'
b'. Jan vond het eerste boek [AP het mooist].
  'Jan considered the first book the most beautiful.'

This problem of confusing the two constructions is aggravated by the fact that in colloquial speech the predicatively used superlative is sometimes also realized with a schwa ending. An example such as De eerste foto is het mooist(e) cannot be analyzed as in (138a), because the empty noun e must be understood as identical with the noun foto and thus must select the non-neuter article de, leaving only the analysis in (138b). This suggests that the strings in the (a)-examples of (137) can also be assigned an alternative analysis involving a predicative AP.

138
a. * De eerste foto is [NP het mooist(e) [e]].
b. De eerste foto is [AP het mooist(e)].
  'The first picture is the most beautiful.'

A special case of the predicative use of the majorative is found in idiomatic copular constructions with the dynamic verb wordento become, as in (139), which yield the process meaning “to improve” and “to deteriorate”. That these are idiomatic expressions is clear from the fact that the pronominal PP er ... op is non-referential and can never be replaced by a PP of the form P + NP. The diacritics in these examples show that, in our view, there is a marked difference between the use of the positively valued predicate beterbetter and the negatively valued predicate slechterworse; the form beter is preferred with (quasi-)negation, while the form slechter is preferred with an adverbial phrase such as alleen maaronly. However, since these judgments are not shared by all speakers, we leave this to future research.

139
a. De situatie wordt er niet beter/%slechter op.
  the situation becomes ER not better/worse op
  'The situation is not improving.'
a'. De situatie wordt er weinig beter/%slechter op.
  the situation becomes ER little better/worse op
  'The situation is not improving much.'
b. De situatie wordt er alleen maar slechter/%beter op.
  the situation becomes ER only worse/better op
  'The situation is only deteriorating.'
[+]  III.  Adverbial use

The three degrees of comparison can also be found in adverbial position. Example (140d) shows that like predicatively used superlatives, adverbially used superlatives should normally be preceded by the element het.

140
a. Peter liep hard.
  Peter ran fast
  'Peter was running fast.'
b. Peter liep even hard.
  Peter ran as fast
c. Peter liep harder/minder hard.
  Peter ran faster/less fast
d. Peter liep *(het) hardst/minst hard.
  Peter ran the fastest/least fast

However, when a superlative adverbial phrase is contained in an attributively used participle phrase, the element het is usually omitted if the superlative is adjacent to the determiner. This can be seen by comparing (140d) with example (141a). When the determiner and het are separated by another phrase, as in (141b), het becomes obligatory again.

141
a. de [PartP (?het) hardst/minst hard lopende] jongen
  the the fastest/least fast running boy
  'the boy who runs the fastest/least fast'
b. de [PartP steeds weer *(het) hardst lopende] jongen
  the always again the fastest running boy
[+]  IV.  The partitive genitive construction

In the partitive genitive construction, equatives or comparatives can be used, but superlatives are blocked. We return to this fact, illustrated in (142), in Section 29.2.3, sub IE.

142
a. iets moois
  something beautiful
e. iets leuks
  something funny
b. iets even moois
  something as beautiful
f. iets even leuks
  something as funny
c. iets mooiers
  something more.beautiful
g. iets leukers
  something more.funny
d. * iets (het) mooist
  something the most.beautiful
h. * iets (het) leukst
  something the funniest
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