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24.3.2.Movement of the nominal complement
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Section 24.2, sub I, discussed adjectives taking a nominal complement and noted that the adjective with its nominal complement as a whole does not easily undergo topicalization. The examples in (89) and (90) illustrate this again for genitive and dative complements, respectively.

89
a. ?? [AP Het Frans machtig] is hij niet.
  the French in.command.of is he not
  'He is not able to speak French.'
b. ?? [AP Deze opera zat] zal hij niet worden.
  this opera weary will he not become
  'He wonʼt fed up with this opera.'
90
a. *? [AP Die jongen vertrouwd] is de omgeving niet.
  this boy familiar is the area not
  'This area isnʼt familiar to this boy.'
b. *? [AP De mens aangeboren] is de Universele Grammatica zeker.
  the man innate is the Universal Grammar certainly
  'Universal Grammar is certainly innate to man.'

The degraded status of these examples is not due to a general prohibition of topicalization, since the primeless examples in (91) and (92), in which the noun phrase is stranded, are perfectly acceptable. The same is true of the primed examples in which the noun phrase is topicalized.

91
a. [AP ti Machtig]j is hij het Fransi niet/zeker tj.
a'. Het Fransi is hij niet/zeker [AP ti machtig].
b. [AP ti Zat]j zal hij deze operai niet/zeker tj worden.
b'. Deze operai zal hij niet/zeker [AP ti zat] worden.
92
a. [AP ti Vertrouwd]j is de omgeving die jongeni niet/zeker tj.
a'. Die jongeni is de omgeving niet/zeker [AP ti vertrouwd].
b. [AP ti Aangeboren]j is de Universele Grammatica de mensi niet/zeker tj.
b'. De mensi is de Universele Grammatica niet/zeker [AP ti aangeboren].

In the cases above, the noun phrases precede the clausal modifiers nietnot and zekercertainly, which shows that they have been moved leftward to an AP-external position. The instances in (93) and (94) show that the same is true in constructions without topicalization; since the noun phrases preferably precede the clausal modifier, the leftward movement is also strongly preferred in this case (although the effect seems less strong with zekercertainly in (93), especially when it is emphatically accented).

93
a. Hij is *?niet/?zeker [AP het Frans machtig].
a'. Hij is het Fransi niet/zeker [AP ti machtig].
b. Hij zal *?niet/?zeker [AP deze opera zat] worden.
b'. Hij zal deze operai niet/zeker [AP ti zat] worden.
94
a. * De omgeving is niet/zeker [AP die jongen vertrouwd].
a'. De omgeving is die jongeni niet/zeker [AP ti vertrouwd].
b. * De Universele Grammatica is niet/zeker [AP de mens aangeboren].
b'. De Universele Grammatica is de mensi niet/zeker [AP ti aangeboren].

The data above suggests that the noun phrase cannot remain in its base position immediately to the left of the adjective. This conclusion is also supported by the position of the nominal complement relative to the adverbial modifier of the adjective. Since modifiers are more peripheral in the projection of the head than complements, we would expect that the nominal complement could be placed between the adverbial modifier and the adjective; cf. the discussion of (82). However, this leads to unacceptability, as can be seen in (95); the nominal complements must precede the modifier vreselijk/ergextremely/very.

95
a. * Hij zal vreselijk deze opera zat worden.
  he will extremely this opera weary become
  'He will become very tired of this opera.'
a'. Hij zal deze opera vreselijk zat worden.
b. * De omgeving is erg deze jongen vertrouwd.
  this area is very this boy familiar
  'The area is very familiar to the boy.'
b'. De omgeving is deze jongen erg vertrouwd.

We must conclude that nominal complements of adjectives cannot remain in their base position immediately to the left of the adjectival head, but must be moved leftward into some AP-external position. Why the noun phrase cannot remain in its base position is not clear at the moment.

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