The examples in (104) show that partitive genitive adjectives can be modified by regular degree modifiers like erg/heel/zeervery and vrij/nogalrather. As with attributive and predicative adjectives, the adverb immediately precedes the partitive genitive.

Section 23.2 has shown that some adjectives are ambiguous between an adverbial and adjectival interpretation: goedwell/good and ergvery/terrible can either be used as a degree modifier of the partitive genitive, as in the primeless examples of (105), or as a partitive genitive adjective, as in the primed examples.

The degree modifier heelvery in (105c) can optionally carry the attributive -e inflection in examples such as (106a), as discussed in Section 27.2, sub IV, but it cannot be used as a predicative adjective; this correctly predicts that (105c') is unacceptable. For completeness’ sake, recall from Section 29.1, sub II, that the -s suffix differs from the attributive -e inflection in that it cannot be used on the degree modifier; cf. (106b).

Section 25.1.4, sub II, has shown that in some cases modification by a nominal measure phrase is also possible. This is typical of measure adjectives of the kind given in (107).

Despite the fact that the modified APs in these examples function as predicates, they cannot easily be used in the partitive genitive constructions in (108). Nevertheless, the relative judgments on these examples more or less correspond to those on the predicative constructions in (107).

The fact that the examples in (108) are marked may have to do with the fact that the intended meaning can be expressed by the constructions in (109), in which the nominal measure phrase is preceded by the preposition vanof. Note that the adjectives in these cases are not inflected with a partitive genitive -s suffix, which suggests that we are dealing here with regular noun phrases comparable to een kast van twee meter hooga cupboard of two meters high.

Partitive genitives derived from breed, hoog, oud and zwaar can also be modified by a regular degree modifier, as in (110). Section 23.3.2.2, sub ID, has shown that the measure adjectives in the copular constructions in (107) cannot be replaced by their antonyms. However, this is possible in the examples in (110). which suggests that the adjectives in (110) differ from those in (107) in that they do not function as the “neutral” form of the measure adjectives.

From this perspective, the partitive genitives in (111), which are modified by the nominal phrase twee keer zotwice as, are also regular scalar adjectives. For completeness’ sake, the primed examples demonstrate that these acceptable partitive genitive constructions do not alternate with van-constructions of the type in (109); this may support the earlier suggestion that the examples in (108) are blocked by those in (109).

The primeless examples in (112) indicate that comparatives and adjectives preceded by the degree element tetoo can also be modified by nominal modifiers. However, the primed examples reveal that the use of such nominal modifiers in the partitive genitive construction leads to an unacceptable result.

For completeness’ sake, (113) shows that nominal constructions similar to those in (109) are also generally excluded. The examples with the nominal phrase vijftig guldenfifty guilders seem fully acceptable, which is compatible with the earlier suggestion that partitive genitive constructions can be blocked by nominal constructions of the type in (109), although it still leaves the unacceptability of een stuk and een beetje unresolved.

Adjectives in the equative degree can occur in partitive genitive constructions. With an accompanying comparative als-phrase, there is a slight preference to place the als-phrase after the verb(s) in clause-final position. This is illustrated in (114).

We have already seen in example (112a) that comparatives can be used in the partitive genitive construction. If the comparative is followed by a dan-phrase, there is again a preference to place the latter after the verb(s) in clause-final position; cf. the (a) and (b)-examples in (115). The (c)-examples show that the periphrastic comparatives behave in the same way as the morphologically complex ones.

The head-final filter on attributive adjectives, discussed in Section 27.3, sub IB, excludes attributive structures with the postadjectival degree modifier genoegenough, regardless of the position of the -e inflection; cf. Section 27.3, sub IIB, for a more detailed discussion.

Predicative constructions, on the other hand, are acceptable if an adjective is modified by genoeg: Zijn inzet was groot genoegHis dedication was great enough. Since we have seen that partitive genitive adjectives pattern with predicatively used adjectives, we expect that partitive genitive constructions are also possible, but this expectation is not borne out: the examples in (117) show that the construction is degraded, regardless of the position of the -s suffix.

Section 25.1.3, sub ID, has shown that the complex degree modifier zo A mogelijkas A as possible exhibits exceptional behavior with respect to the head-final filter; the attributive use of zo A mogelijkas great as possible is possible when the -e ending appears on the degree modifier, as in een zo goedkoop mogelijke autoa car as cheap as possible. In the partitive genitive construction, modification by the complex degree modifier zo ... mogelijk is also possible; the inflectional pattern is similar to that in the attributive structure: the -s suffix must be realized on the postadjectival degree modifier mogelijk and not on the adjective groot. For completeness, note that the predicative use of the modified AP is also possible: cf. Zijn inzet was zo groot mogelijkHe gave his commitment his all (lit.: his dedication was as large as possible.

The examples in (72) have already shown that scalar adjectives in the positive degree can be modified by the degree modifier tetoo in the partitive genitive construction; this is illustrated again in (119a). The degree modifier itself can also be modified in turn, leading to the more complex constructions in (119b&c): in (119b), te is modified by veel, and in (119c), it is modified by the phrase niet al. Note that these modifiers cannot occur when te is not present: *iets veel/niet al duurs.

Adjectives modified by tetoo can optionally be followed by an infinitival degree clause; cf. Section 25.1.3, sub II. The examples in (120) show that the addition of an infinitival clause in the partitive genitive construction yields a degraded result if it is placed in preverbal position; placing the clause in postverbal position improves the result considerably. We have seen a similar effect in the comparative/superlative constructions in Subsection III.

The degree modifier zoso is often accompanied by a finite degree clause. Again, the partitive genitive construction is degraded when the degree clause occupies the preverbal position, while placing the clause in postverbal position notably improves the result. This is illustrated in (121).

Example (122a) shows that, unlike the other modifying adverbs, the element zo can also precede noun phrases such as een boeka book, and (122b) shows that it can also precede the whole partitive genitive construction. In these cases, however, zo seems to act as a demonstrative rather than a modifier; that it need not act as a modifier of the adjective in (122b) is clear from the fact that the adjective can be dropped without causing unacceptability.

Nevertheless, as is shown in (123a&b), zo in pre-pronominal position can license a degree clause, just like zo in post-determiner position; cf. the examples in (121). If we compare the primeless and primed examples in (123), it becomes clear that omitting the adjective in this case yields a degraded result. This strongly suggests that in association with a degree clause, zo can modify the adjective, regardless of its position with respect to the pronoun.