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20.1.1.4.Noun phrases containing a cardinal numeral
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This section discusses noun phrases with a cardinal numeral. Subsection I begins with a discussion of the properties of the head noun. Subsection II continues with a note on determiners in noun phrases with a cardinal. Subsection III concludes with a discussion of the position of cardinals within the noun phrase.

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[+]  I.  The head noun

The examples in (36) show that the cardinal numerals, with the exception of éénone, are usually followed by a plural count noun.

36
a. één boek/*boeken
  one book/books
c. honderd boeken/*boek
  a.hundred books/book
b. twee boeken/*boek
  two books/book
d. honderd en één boeken/*boek
  hundred and one books/book

The generalization that cardinals are usually followed by a plural noun also applies to the cardinal nulzero; cf. Haeseryn (1997:432). The examples in (37) show that it differs in this respect from the negative article/quantifier geenno, which can be followed by either a plural or a singular noun.

37
a. nul boeken
  zero books
a'. geen boeken
  no books
b. * nul boek
  zero book
b'. geen boek
  no book

Section 19.1.5.1, sub IA, argues that the fact that geenno can be followed by a plural or a singular noun is related to the fact that the negation expressed by geen takes sentential scope: the primed examples in (38) can be seen as the denial of the propositions expressed by the primeless examples. Note that the plural is used when there is no presupposition about the actual cardinality of the set of children; cf. Section 19.1.1.1 for examples.

38
a. Er loopt een kind op straat.
  there walks a child in the street
  'There is a child walking in the street.'
a'. Er loopt geen kind op straat.
  there walks no child in the.street
b. Er lopen kinderen op straat.
  there walk children in the street
  'There are children walking in the street.'
b'. Er lopen geen kinderen op straat.
  there walk no children in the.street

The fact that the cardinal nulzero cannot normally be followed by a singular count noun can perhaps be accounted for if we assume that it differs from geenno in that it expresses constituent (and not sentential) negation. If so, we can assign nul kinderen the meaning not (one or more children) and thus expect it to impose the same selection restriction as the complex cardinal één of meer, which cannot be followed by a singular noun either; cf. (39). We leave it to future research to investigate whether this line of reasoning is feasible.

39
één of meer boeken/*boek
  one or more books/book
'one or more books'

Although the generalization that cardinals (except één) are followed by a plural noun is descriptively correct in general, we will discuss a number of exceptions in the remainder of this subsection.

[+]  A.  Substance nouns

The primeless cases in (40) show that substance nouns can follow a cardinal numeral when they refer to conventional units of the substance denoted by the noun. One may wish to explore the possibility that these noun phrases are actually binominal constructions with an empty noun corresponding to the container noun in the primed examples; cf. the discussion of example (65) in Section 15.2.2.1, sub III.

40
a. drie koffie
  three coffee
  'three cups of coffee.'
a'. drie koppen koffie
  three cups [of] coffee
  'three cups of coffee'
b. twee suiker
  two sugar
  'two packs/lumps of sugar'
b'. twee klontjes/pakken suiker
  two lumps/packs [of] sugar
  'two lumps/packs of sugar'

However, there is a striking difference between the primeless and primed examples, which suggests that a binominal analysis of the primeless examples in (40) is not feasible. The examples in (41) show that the two nominal constructions differ in number: the noun phrase drie koffie triggers singular agreement on the finite verb in (41a), while the binominal construction drie koppen koffie triggers plural agreement. Note that this shows that it is the number feature of the head noun that determines subject-verb agreement, not the cardinal.

41
a. Er staat/*staan drie koffie op de tafel.
  there stands/stand three coffee on the table
b. Er staan/*staat drie koppen koffie op de tafel.
  there stand/stands three cups [of] coffee on the table
[+]  B.  Measure nouns

Nouns referring to conventional measure units may appear in their singular form when preceded by a cardinal. The following subsections discuss three different subcases.

[+]  1.  Measure nouns in binominal constructions

The first group of measure nouns can occur in binominal constructions. Example (42) shows that these nouns often have the option of being either singular or plural; cf. Section 18.1.1 for a detailed discussion. The difference between the noun phrases in the primeless and primed examples is that the former refer to a total amount of three meters/liters/kilos of the substance denoted by the second noun, while the latter refer to three units of the substance denoted by the second noun, each of one meter/liter/kilo.

42
a. drie meter draad
  three meter [of] thread
a'. drie meters draad
  three meters [of] thread
b. drie liter wijn
  three liter [of] wine
b'. drie liters wijn
  three liters [of] wine
c. drie kilo suiker
  three kilo [of] sugar
c'. drie kilo’s suiker
  three kilos [of] sugar

The examples in (43) show that also in these cases it is the number feature of the noun and not the cardinal numeral that triggers subject-verb agreement, which of course is related to the earlier observation that the speaker refers to a total amount of three meters of thread in (43a), but to three threads of one meter each in (43b); cf. (42).

43
a. Er ligt/*liggen nog drie meter draad op de plank.
  there lies/lie still three meter [of] thread on the shelf
b. Er liggen/*ligt nog drie meters draad op de plank.
  there lie/lies still three meters [of] thread on the shelf

If the noun following the cardinal refers to a certain quantity itself, it is preferably used in the singular. This is illustrated for the nouns dozijndozen, grosgross and miljoenmillion in example (44); we refer the reader to Section 20.1.1.2 for a discussion of the nominal status of the last form.

44
a. twee dozijn/*?dozijnen knikkers
  two dozen/dozens [of] marbles
b. twee gros/*grossen knikkers
  two gross/grosses marbles
c. twee miljoen/*miljoenen knikkers
  two million/millions marbles
[+]  2.  Measure nouns denoting time units

When the measure noun denotes a particular time interval, it seems a bit of a muddle whether or not a cardinal numeral can be followed by a singular noun: the nouns secondesecond, kwartierquarter of an hour, uurhour and jaaryear in (45) seem to prefer the singular form (which of course cannot be heard in the case of seconde(n)second(s), because the plural -n is mute in spoken language). The plural forms are marginally acceptable when the temporal noun phrases refer to discrete entities, i.e. discrete time units; cf. the discussion of (48) below.

45
a. Je moet de staaf vier seconde/?seconden in de vloeistof houden.
  you must the bar four second/seconds in the liquid keep
  'You must keep the bar in the liquid for four seconds.'
b. Ik zit al drie kwartier/??kwartieren op je te wachten.
  I sit already three quarter/quarters for you to wait
  'I have been waiting for you for three quarters of an hour.'
c. Ik zit al drie uur/?uren op je te wachten.
  I sit already three hour/hours for you to wait
  'I have been waiting for you for three hours.'
d. Ik ben drie jaar/??jaren weg geweest.
  I am three year/years away been

The nouns minuutminute, dagday, and weekweek in (46), on the other hand, clearly prefer the plural form; the singular forms yield questionable results at best. For many speakers the same is true for the noun maandmonth, although there are varieties of Dutch that also accept the singular form.

46
a. Ik heb het ei vier minuten/*minuut gekookt.
  I have the egg four minutes/minute boiled
  'I have boiled the egg for four minutes.'
b. Ik ben drie dagen/*dag weg geweest.
  I am three days/day away been
  'I have been away for three days.'
c. Ik ben drie weken/*week weg geweest.
  I am three weeks/week away been
d. Ik ben drie maanden/%maand weg geweest.
  I am three months/month away been

A remarkable property of the temporal noun phrases in (45) and (46) is that they always trigger singular agreement on the verb when they are used as the subject of a copular construction (i.e. in cases of second-order predication). Thus, both (47a) with the singular noun kwartierquarter and (47b) with the plural noun wekenweeks trigger singular agreement on the verb zijnto be. This remarkable fact can possibly be explained by appealing to the fact that the noun phrases refer to a single time interval.

47
a. Drie kwartier is/*zijn wel erg lang voor een lezing.
  three quarter is/are prt. very long for a talk
b. Drie weken is/*zijn wel erg lang voor een vakantie.
  three weeks is/are prt. very long for a vacation

Note that the nouns in (45) do appear in their plural form when the noun is modified by an attributive adjective. In these cases, the noun phrases no longer refer to a continuous time interval; as with the nouns in the primed examples in (42), the temporal noun phrases seem to refer to discrete entities, i.e. discrete time units. This also explains why these noun phrases trigger plural agreement on the finite verb, as shown in (48c).

48
a. de drie beslissende seconden/*seconde
  the three decisive seconds/second
b. de drie langste uren/*uur van mijn leven
  the three longest hours/hour of my life
c. De drie gelukkigste jaren/*jaar van mijn leven zijn/*is voorbij.
  the three happiest years/year of my life are/is past

Example (49a) shows that a cardinal can also be followed by the singular noun uur in noun phrases referring to certain times of the day. A similar function is performed by proper nouns referring to certain months in noun phrases specifying certain days of the year; note that (49b) alternates with the construction in (49b') with an ordinal numeral; we will return to such cases in Section 20.1.1.6.

49
a. zes uur
  six o’clock
b. elf september 1973
  eleven September 1973
b'. de elfde september van het jaar 1973
  the eleventh September of the year 1973
[+]  3.  Measure nouns denoting monetary units

If the noun refers to a specific monetary unit, like the dollar or the euro, the noun is usually singular; cf. (50a). The same is true for the noun cent, which refers to the smaller unit in which prices are expressed; cf. (50b). Example (50c) shows that the measure phrases in (50a&b) are also singular when combined by coordination.

50
a. Dit boek kost twintig euro/*euro’s.
  this book costs twenty euro/euros
b. Deze pen kost vijftig cent/*centen.
  this pen costs fifty cent/cents
c. Dit boek kost vierentwintig euro en vijftig cent.
  this book costs twenty-four euro and fifty cent
  'This book costs twenty four euros and fifty cents.'

Nouns referring to specific coins or banknotes, on the other hand, are in the plural. Examples of such nouns are given in (51). Note that knaak in (51b) refers to coin that was in use when the guilder was still the monetary unit in the Netherlands; it seems that there are still no well-established names for the coins currently in use, apart from euro and cent of course (and perhaps dubbeltjeten-cent coin).

51
a. Dit boek kost twee tientjes/*tientje.
  this book costs two tenners/tenner
b. Deze pen kost twee knaken/??knaak.
  this pen costs two quarters/quarter

The fact that the noun in (51a) is obligatorily plural may be related to the fact that we are dealing with a noun derived from a cardinal numeral by means of a diminutive suffix, since the examples in (52) show that the diminutive counterparts of the nouns in (50) also take the plural ending. However, this cannot be the whole story, since the noun knaak in (51b) is not a diminutive form.

52
a. Dit boek kost twintig eurootjes/*eurootje.
  this book costs twenty euros/euro
b. Deze pen kost vijftig centjes/*centje.
  this pen costs fifty cents/cent

The plural forms of euro and cent can also be used, provided they refer to the actual coins. Thus, while the noun phrase twintig euro in (53a) refers to a collection of banknotes and/or coins totaling twenty euros, the noun phrase twintig euro’s in (53b) refers to a set of one-euro coins with cardinality 20. The primed examples again show that it is the number feature of the noun and not the cardinal that determines subject-verb agreement. This is illustrated by the primed examples.

53
a. Jan heeft nog twintig euro in zijn portemonnee.
  Jan has still twenty euro in his wallet
a'. Er ligt/*liggen twintig euro op tafel.
  there lies/lie twenty euro on the.table
b. Jan heeft nog twintig euro’s in zijn portemonnee.
  Jan has still twenty euros in his wallet
b'. Er liggen/*ligt twintig euro’s op tafel.
  there lie/lies twenty euros on the.table
[+]  C.  Other cases

There are some isolated cases in which the noun following the cardinal numeral is singular. Two examples are given in (54); example (54b) shows once again that subject-verb agreement is determined by the number marking on the noun (and not by the cardinal numeral).

54
a. Ik heb dat boek drie keer/?keren gelezen.
  I have that book three time/times read
  'I have read that book three times.'
b. Vier man is genoeg om die tafel op te tillen.
  four man is enough in.order.to that table prt. to lift
  'Four persons suffice to lift that table.'

It seems that these sequences consisting of a cardinal and a singular noun are not usually preceded by a determiner, unless the noun phrase is modified or strongly D-linked. This is illustrated in (55); note that the subjects in the (b)-examples differ from their determinerless counterpart in (54b) in that they trigger plural agreement on the (italicized) finite verbs.

55
a. Pff, die drie keer dat hij drugs gebruikt heeft.
  well, that three time that he drugs used has
  'Phew, those three times that he has used drugs.'
a'. De drie keer dat ik daar geweest ben, was het erg stil.
  the three time that I there been am, was it very quiet
  'It was very quiet the three times that I have been there.'
b. Die vier man daar zijn genoeg om die tafel op te tillen.
  those four man over there are enough in.order.to that table prt. to lift
  'Those four persons suffice to lift that table.'
b'. De vier man, die de tafel opgetild hadden, kregen een biertje.
  the four man, who the table prt.-lifted had, received a beer
  'The four men, who had lifted the table, were given a beer.'
[+]  II.  The determiner

There do not seem to be many special restrictions on the determiner preceding a cardinal numeral: (56a-c) show that definite articles, demonstratives, and possessive pronouns all yield an equally acceptable result. When the noun phrase is indefinite, as in (56d), we can assume that the empty indefinite article ∅ is present, as in the case of other plural indefinite noun phrases.

56
a. de vier boeken over taalkunde
  the four books about linguistics
b. die vier boeken over taalkunde
  those four books about linguistics
c. mijn vier boeken over taalkunde
  my four books about linguistics
d. ∅ vier boeken over taalkunde
  ∅ four books about linguistics

The indefinite article eena cannot be combined with a cardinal, which is of course related to the fact that noun phrases containing this article are inherently singular: adding the cardinal éénone would therefore be redundant and adding any other cardinal would lead to a contradiction. Example (62) in Subsection III will show that the complex demonstrative zo’nsuch a, which is the result of the contraction of zo and een, cannot be followed by a cardinal either.

57
a. * een één boek over taalkunde
  a one book about linguistics
b. * een één boek over taalkunde
  a one book about linguistics

Example (58a) shows that the cardinal éénone is special in that it can never be preceded by the definite article de/het or a demonstrative or possessive pronoun (unless it is used as a noun, as in de één is gelukkig\`1 de ander nietsome people are happy, some are not). However, it is generally accepted that the cardinal één can follow a demonstrative pronoun when it is inflected; example (58b), taken from Haeseryn et al. (1997), clearly demonstrates this. Note, however, that inflected ene also occurs in noun phrases with a more deictic meaning, in which case it is in opposition to the adjective andereother, as in (58c).

58
a. * het/dat/mijn één boek
  the/that/my one book
b. Zelfs dat ene boek vond hij al te veel.
  even that one book considered he already too much
  'Even that one book he found too much.'
c. Het/dat/mijn ene boek vond hij erg goed, het/dat/mijn andere niet.
  the/that/my one book considered he very good the/that/my other not
  'Of the/those/my (two) books he considered one very good, but the other not.'

It seems premature to decide on the basis of meaning alone that ene is a cardinal numeral in (58b); we should first make a comparison of the two uses of ene in (58b) and (58c). We will leave this to future research.

[+]  III.  The position of the cardinal numeral within the noun phrase

The introduction to this chapter argued that cardinal numerals (and quantifiers) can be assumed to be generated in the specifier position of Num, indicated by an em dash in structure (59a). This predicts that cardinals generally follow the determiner and precede those elements that are part of the lexical NP-domain, i.e. the head noun itself and its attributive modifiers, as in (59b). This seems to be confirmed; example (59c) shows that the cardinal cannot precede the definite article and example (59d) that it cannot follow the attributive modifier(s) of the head noun.

59
a. [DP D [NumP — [Num [NP ... N ...]]]]
b. de acht gele rozen
  the eight yellow roses
c. * acht de gele rozen
d. * de gele acht rozen

However, more needs to be said about the order in (59d), since this order is acceptable when the attributive adjective is assigned contrastive accent, as in (60a); cf. Kobele and Zimmermann (2012:239) for a similar observation in German. This is an option when the active discourse domain (domain D) contains various bouquets, each consisting of eight roses: (60a) can then be used to distinguish the yellow bouquet from the bouquets containing roses of a different color. This order of the cardinal and the attributive modifier requires that the roses be part of domain D, which correctly predicts that this order is not found in indefinite noun phrases such as (60a'). In (60b&b') we give some comparable examples from the linguistic literature: again, the marked order requires that the referents of the noun phrase be part of domain D, so that the indefinite noun phrase in (60b') yields an infelicitous result.

60
a. de gele acht rozen
  the yellow eight roses
b. die leuke vier dochters van hem
  those nice four daughters of his
a'. * gele acht rozen
b'. * leuke vier dochters van hem

The unacceptable example in (59c) cannot be saved by assigning it a special intonation pattern: cardinals never precede the definite article. The same applies to the D-linked demonstrative and possessive pronouns in (61). Note that the primed examples become acceptable when the cardinal is preceded by alle as in alle vier zijn dochtersall four of his daughters; cf. Section 21.1.2.2.

61
a. die drie boeken
  those three books
b. zijn vier dochters
  his four daughters
a'. * drie die boeken
b'. * vier zijn dochters

Haeseryn et al. (1997) claims that the non-D-linked demonstrative pronouns zo’n and zulke behave differently. The primeless examples in (62) first show that these demonstratives cannot be followed by a cardinal: for (62a) this is of course not surprising, since we have seen in (57) above that the article eena, which here acts as part of the complex determiner zo’nsuch a, cannot be combined with a cardinal either; for (62b), on the other hand, no such explanation seems to be available. The data becomes even more puzzling when we consider the primed examples, which are certainly better than the primeless ones; similar cases can be easily found on the internet.

62
a. * zo’n één boek
  such a one book
a'. Eén zo’n boek maakt alles goed.
  one such a book makes all well
  'One book like that makes everything well.'
b. * zulke drie boeken
  such three books
b'. % drie zulke boeken maken alles goed
  three such a book makes all well
  'Three book like that makes everything well.'

Although some Dutch speakers reject examples such as (62b'), the fact that the primed examples are considered perfectly acceptable by some speakers poses a problem for the assumption that the non-D-linked demonstratives are located in the D-position of (59a), and suggests that they are actually lower in the nominal projection than the cardinal numerals.

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