- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Nouns and noun phrases (JANUARI 2025)
- 15 Characterization and classification
- 16 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. General observations
- 16.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 16.3. Clausal complements
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 17.2. Premodification
- 17.3. Postmodification
- 17.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 17.3.2. Relative clauses
- 17.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 17.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 17.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 17.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 17.4. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 18.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Articles
- 19.2. Pronouns
- 19.3. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Numerals and quantifiers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. Numerals
- 20.2. Quantifiers
- 20.2.1. Introduction
- 20.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 20.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 20.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 20.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 20.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 20.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 20.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 20.5. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Predeterminers
- 21.0. Introduction
- 21.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 21.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 21.3. A note on focus particles
- 21.4. Bibliographical notes
- 22 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 23 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Syntax
-
- General
This section discusses noun phrases with a cardinal numeral. Subsection I begins with a discussion of the properties of the head noun. Subsection II continues with a note on determiners in noun phrases with a cardinal. Subsection III concludes with a discussion of the position of cardinals within the noun phrase.
The examples in (36) show that the cardinal numerals, with the exception of éénone, are usually followed by a plural count noun.
a. | één | boek/*boeken | |
one | book/books |
c. | honderd | boeken/*boek | |
a.hundred | books/book |
b. | twee | boeken/*boek | |
two | books/book |
d. | honderd en één | boeken/*boek | |
hundred and one | books/book |
The generalization that cardinals are usually followed by a plural noun also applies to the cardinal nulzero; cf. Haeseryn (1997:432). The examples in (37) show that it differs in this respect from the negative article/quantifier geenno, which can be followed by either a plural or a singular noun.
a. | nul | boeken | |
zero | books |
a'. | geen boeken | |
no books |
b. | * | nul | boek |
zero | book |
b'. | geen boek | |
no book |
Section 19.1.5.1, sub IA, argues that the fact that geenno can be followed by a plural or a singular noun is related to the fact that the negation expressed by geen takes sentential scope: the primed examples in (38) can be seen as the denial of the propositions expressed by the primeless examples. Note that the plural is used when there is no presupposition about the actual cardinality of the set of children; cf. Section 19.1.1.1 for examples.
a. | Er | loopt | een kind | op straat. | |
there | walks | a child | in the street | ||
'There is a child walking in the street.' |
a'. | Er | loopt | geen kind | op straat. | |
there | walks | no child | in the.street |
b. | Er | lopen | kinderen | op straat. | |
there | walk | children | in the street | ||
'There are children walking in the street.' |
b'. | Er | lopen | geen kinderen | op straat. | |
there | walk | no children | in the.street |
The fact that the cardinal nulzero cannot normally be followed by a singular count noun can perhaps be accounted for if we assume that it differs from geenno in that it expresses constituent (and not sentential) negation. If so, we can assign nul kinderen the meaning not (one or more children) and thus expect it to impose the same selection restriction as the complex cardinal één of meer, which cannot be followed by a singular noun either; cf. (39). We leave it to future research to investigate whether this line of reasoning is feasible.
één of meer | boeken/*boek | ||
one or more | books/book | ||
'one or more books' |
Although the generalization that cardinals (except één) are followed by a plural noun is descriptively correct in general, we will discuss a number of exceptions in the remainder of this subsection.
The primeless cases in (40) show that substance nouns can follow a cardinal numeral when they refer to conventional units of the substance denoted by the noun. One may wish to explore the possibility that these noun phrases are actually binominal constructions with an empty noun corresponding to the container noun in the primed examples; cf. the discussion of example (65) in Section 15.2.2.1, sub III.
a. | drie | koffie | ||||
three | coffee | |||||
'three cups of coffee.' |
a'. | drie | koppen | koffie | |||
three | cups [of] | coffee | ||||
'three cups of coffee' |
b. | twee | suiker | ||||
two | sugar | |||||
'two packs/lumps of sugar' |
b'. | twee | klontjes/pakken | suiker | |||
two | lumps/packs [of] | sugar | ||||
'two lumps/packs of sugar' |
However, there is a striking difference between the primeless and primed examples, which suggests that a binominal analysis of the primeless examples in (40) is not feasible. The examples in (41) show that the two nominal constructions differ in number: the noun phrase drie koffie triggers singular agreement on the finite verb in (41a), while the binominal construction drie koppen koffie triggers plural agreement. Note that this shows that it is the number feature of the head noun that determines subject-verb agreement, not the cardinal.
a. | Er | staat/*staan | drie koffie | op de tafel. | |
there | stands/stand | three coffee | on the table |
b. | Er | staan/*staat | drie koppen koffie | op de tafel. | |
there | stand/stands | three cups [of] coffee | on the table |
Nouns referring to conventional measure units may appear in their singular form when preceded by a cardinal. The following subsections discuss three different subcases.
The first group of measure nouns can occur in binominal constructions. Example (42) shows that these nouns often have the option of being either singular or plural; cf. Section 18.1.1 for a detailed discussion. The difference between the noun phrases in the primeless and primed examples is that the former refer to a total amount of three meters/liters/kilos of the substance denoted by the second noun, while the latter refer to three units of the substance denoted by the second noun, each of one meter/liter/kilo.
a. | drie | meter | draad | |
three | meter [of] | thread |
a'. | drie | meters | draad | |
three | meters [of] | thread |
b. | drie | liter | wijn | |
three | liter [of] | wine |
b'. | drie | liters | wijn | |
three | liters [of] | wine |
c. | drie | kilo | suiker | |
three | kilo [of] | sugar |
c'. | drie | kilo’s | suiker | |
three | kilos [of] | sugar |
The examples in (43) show that also in these cases it is the number feature of the noun and not the cardinal numeral that triggers subject-verb agreement, which of course is related to the earlier observation that the speaker refers to a total amount of three meters of thread in (43a), but to three threads of one meter each in (43b); cf. (42).
a. | Er | ligt/*liggen | nog | drie meter draad | op de plank. | |
there | lies/lie | still | three meter [of] thread | on the shelf |
b. | Er | liggen/*ligt | nog | drie meters draad | op de plank. | |
there | lie/lies | still | three meters [of] thread | on the shelf |
If the noun following the cardinal refers to a certain quantity itself, it is preferably used in the singular. This is illustrated for the nouns dozijndozen, grosgross and miljoenmillion in example (44); we refer the reader to Section 20.1.1.2 for a discussion of the nominal status of the last form.
a. | twee | dozijn/*?dozijnen | knikkers | |
two | dozen/dozens [of] | marbles |
b. | twee | gros/*grossen | knikkers | |
two | gross/grosses | marbles |
c. | twee | miljoen/*miljoenen | knikkers | |
two | million/millions | marbles |
When the measure noun denotes a particular time interval, it seems a bit of a muddle whether or not a cardinal numeral can be followed by a singular noun: the nouns secondesecond, kwartierquarter of an hour, uurhour and jaaryear in (45) seem to prefer the singular form (which of course cannot be heard in the case of seconde(n)second(s), because the plural -n is mute in spoken language). The plural forms are marginally acceptable when the temporal noun phrases refer to discrete entities, i.e. discrete time units; cf. the discussion of (48) below.
a. | Je | moet | de staaf | vier seconde/?seconden | in de vloeistof | houden. | |
you | must | the bar | four second/seconds | in the liquid | keep | ||
'You must keep the bar in the liquid for four seconds.' |
b. | Ik | zit | al | drie kwartier/??kwartieren | op je | te wachten. | |
I | sit | already | three quarter/quarters | for you | to wait | ||
'I have been waiting for you for three quarters of an hour.' |
c. | Ik | zit | al | drie uur/?uren | op je | te wachten. | |
I | sit | already | three hour/hours | for you | to wait | ||
'I have been waiting for you for three hours.' |
d. | Ik | ben | drie jaar/??jaren | weg | geweest. | |
I | am | three year/years | away | been |
The nouns minuutminute, dagday, and weekweek in (46), on the other hand, clearly prefer the plural form; the singular forms yield questionable results at best. For many speakers the same is true for the noun maandmonth, although there are varieties of Dutch that also accept the singular form.
a. | Ik | heb | het ei | vier minuten/*minuut | gekookt. | |
I | have | the egg | four minutes/minute | boiled | ||
'I have boiled the egg for four minutes.' |
b. | Ik | ben | drie dagen/*dag | weg | geweest. | |
I | am | three days/day | away | been | ||
'I have been away for three days.' |
c. | Ik | ben | drie weken/*week | weg | geweest. | |
I | am | three weeks/week | away | been |
d. | Ik | ben | drie maanden/%maand | weg | geweest. | |
I | am | three months/month | away | been |
A remarkable property of the temporal noun phrases in (45) and (46) is that they always trigger singular agreement on the verb when they are used as the subject of a copular construction (i.e. in cases of second-order predication). Thus, both (47a) with the singular noun kwartierquarter and (47b) with the plural noun wekenweeks trigger singular agreement on the verb zijnto be. This remarkable fact can possibly be explained by appealing to the fact that the noun phrases refer to a single time interval.
a. | Drie kwartier | is/*zijn | wel | erg lang | voor een lezing. | |
three quarter | is/are | prt. | very long | for a talk |
b. | Drie weken | is/*zijn | wel | erg lang | voor een vakantie. | |
three weeks | is/are | prt. | very long | for a vacation |
Note that the nouns in (45) do appear in their plural form when the noun is modified by an attributive adjective. In these cases, the noun phrases no longer refer to a continuous time interval; as with the nouns in the primed examples in (42), the temporal noun phrases seem to refer to discrete entities, i.e. discrete time units. This also explains why these noun phrases trigger plural agreement on the finite verb, as shown in (48c).
a. | de | drie | beslissende | seconden/*seconde | |
the | three | decisive | seconds/second |
b. | de | drie | langste | uren/*uur | van mijn leven | |
the | three | longest | hours/hour | of my life |
c. | De | drie | gelukkigste | jaren/*jaar | van mijn leven | zijn/*is | voorbij. | |
the | three | happiest | years/year | of my life | are/is | past |
Example (49a) shows that a cardinal can also be followed by the singular noun uur in noun phrases referring to certain times of the day. A similar function is performed by proper nouns referring to certain months in noun phrases specifying certain days of the year; note that (49b) alternates with the construction in (49b') with an ordinal numeral; we will return to such cases in Section 20.1.1.6.
a. | zes | uur | |
six | o’clock |
b. | elf | september | 1973 | |
eleven | September | 1973 |
b'. | de | elfde | september | van het jaar 1973 | |
the | eleventh | September | of the year 1973 |
If the noun refers to a specific monetary unit, like the dollar or the euro, the noun is usually singular; cf. (50a). The same is true for the noun cent, which refers to the smaller unit in which prices are expressed; cf. (50b). Example (50c) shows that the measure phrases in (50a&b) are also singular when combined by coordination.
a. | Dit boek | kost | twintig | euro/*euro’s. | |
this book | costs | twenty | euro/euros |
b. | Deze pen | kost | vijftig | cent/*centen. | |
this pen | costs | fifty | cent/cents |
c. | Dit boek | kost | vierentwintig euro | en | vijftig cent. | |
this book | costs | twenty-four euro | and | fifty cent | ||
'This book costs twenty four euros and fifty cents.' |
Nouns referring to specific coins or banknotes, on the other hand, are in the plural. Examples of such nouns are given in (51). Note that knaak in (51b) refers to coin that was in use when the guilder was still the monetary unit in the Netherlands; it seems that there are still no well-established names for the coins currently in use, apart from euro and cent of course (and perhaps dubbeltjeten-cent coin).
a. | Dit boek | kost | twee tientjes/*tientje. | |
this book | costs | two tenners/tenner |
b. | Deze pen | kost | twee knaken/??knaak. | |
this pen | costs | two quarters/quarter |
The fact that the noun in (51a) is obligatorily plural may be related to the fact that we are dealing with a noun derived from a cardinal numeral by means of a diminutive suffix, since the examples in (52) show that the diminutive counterparts of the nouns in (50) also take the plural ending. However, this cannot be the whole story, since the noun knaak in (51b) is not a diminutive form.
a. | Dit boek | kost | twintig | eurootjes/*eurootje. | |
this book | costs | twenty | euros/euro |
b. | Deze pen | kost | vijftig | centjes/*centje. | |
this pen | costs | fifty | cents/cent |
The plural forms of euro and cent can also be used, provided they refer to the actual coins. Thus, while the noun phrase twintig euro in (53a) refers to a collection of banknotes and/or coins totaling twenty euros, the noun phrase twintig euro’s in (53b) refers to a set of one-euro coins with cardinality 20. The primed examples again show that it is the number feature of the noun and not the cardinal that determines subject-verb agreement. This is illustrated by the primed examples.
a. | Jan heeft | nog | twintig euro | in zijn portemonnee. | |
Jan has | still | twenty euro | in his wallet |
a'. | Er | ligt/*liggen | twintig euro | op tafel. | |
there | lies/lie | twenty euro | on the.table |
b. | Jan heeft | nog | twintig euro’s | in zijn portemonnee. | |
Jan has | still | twenty euros | in his wallet |
b'. | Er | liggen/*ligt | twintig euro’s | op tafel. | |
there | lie/lies | twenty euros | on the.table |
There are some isolated cases in which the noun following the cardinal numeral is singular. Two examples are given in (54); example (54b) shows once again that subject-verb agreement is determined by the number marking on the noun (and not by the cardinal numeral).
a. | Ik | heb | dat boek | drie keer/?keren | gelezen. | |
I | have | that book | three time/times | read | ||
'I have read that book three times.' |
b. | Vier man | is genoeg | om | die tafel | op | te tillen. | |
four man | is enough | in.order.to | that table | prt. | to lift | ||
'Four persons suffice to lift that table.' |
It seems that these sequences consisting of a cardinal and a singular noun are not usually preceded by a determiner, unless the noun phrase is modified or strongly D-linked. This is illustrated in (55); note that the subjects in the (b)-examples differ from their determinerless counterpart in (54b) in that they trigger plural agreement on the (italicized) finite verbs.
a. | Pff, | die drie keer | dat | hij | drugs gebruikt | heeft. | |
well, | that three time | that | he | drugs used | has | ||
'Phew, those three times that he has used drugs.' |
a'. | De drie keer | dat | ik | daar | geweest | ben, | was | het | erg stil. | |
the three time | that | I | there | been | am, | was | it | very quiet | ||
'It was very quiet the three times that I have been there.' |
b. | Die vier man | daar | zijn | genoeg | om | die tafel | op | te tillen. | |
those four man | over there | are | enough | in.order.to | that table | prt. | to lift | ||
'Those four persons suffice to lift that table.' |
b'. | De vier man, | die | de tafel | opgetild | hadden, | kregen een biertje. | |
the four man, | who | the table | prt.-lifted | had, | received a beer | ||
'The four men, who had lifted the table, were given a beer.' |
There do not seem to be many special restrictions on the determiner preceding a cardinal numeral: (56a-c) show that definite articles, demonstratives, and possessive pronouns all yield an equally acceptable result. When the noun phrase is indefinite, as in (56d), we can assume that the empty indefinite article ∅ is present, as in the case of other plural indefinite noun phrases.
a. | de | vier | boeken | over taalkunde | |
the | four | books | about linguistics |
b. | die | vier boeken | over taalkunde | |
those | four books | about linguistics |
c. | mijn | vier boeken | over taalkunde | |
my | four books | about linguistics |
d. | ∅ vier boeken | over taalkunde | |
∅ four books | about linguistics |
The indefinite article eena cannot be combined with a cardinal, which is of course related to the fact that noun phrases containing this article are inherently singular: adding the cardinal éénone would therefore be redundant and adding any other cardinal would lead to a contradiction. Example (62) in Subsection III will show that the complex demonstrative zo’nsuch a, which is the result of the contraction of zo and een, cannot be followed by a cardinal either.
a. | * | een | één boek | over taalkunde |
a | one book | about linguistics |
b. | * | een | één boek | over taalkunde |
a | one book | about linguistics |
Example (58a) shows that the cardinal éénone is special in that it can never be preceded by the definite article de/het or a demonstrative or possessive pronoun (unless it is used as a noun, as in de één is gelukkig\`1 de ander nietsome people are happy, some are not). However, it is generally accepted that the cardinal één can follow a demonstrative pronoun when it is inflected; example (58b), taken from Haeseryn et al. (1997), clearly demonstrates this. Note, however, that inflected ene also occurs in noun phrases with a more deictic meaning, in which case it is in opposition to the adjective andereother, as in (58c).
a. | * | het/dat/mijn | één boek |
the/that/my | one book |
b. | Zelfs | dat | ene | boek | vond | hij | al | te veel. | |
even | that | one | book | considered | he | already | too much | ||
'Even that one book he found too much.' |
c. | Het/dat/mijn | ene | boek | vond | hij | erg goed, | het/dat/mijn andere | niet. | |
the/that/my | one | book | considered | he | very good | the/that/my other | not | ||
'Of the/those/my (two) books he considered one very good, but the other not.' |
It seems premature to decide on the basis of meaning alone that ene is a cardinal numeral in (58b); we should first make a comparison of the two uses of ene in (58b) and (58c). We will leave this to future research.
The introduction to this chapter argued that cardinal numerals (and quantifiers) can be assumed to be generated in the specifier position of Num, indicated by an em dash in structure (59a). This predicts that cardinals generally follow the determiner and precede those elements that are part of the lexical NP-domain, i.e. the head noun itself and its attributive modifiers, as in (59b). This seems to be confirmed; example (59c) shows that the cardinal cannot precede the definite article and example (59d) that it cannot follow the attributive modifier(s) of the head noun.
a. | [DP D [NumP — [Num [NP ... N ...]]]] |
b. | de | acht | gele | rozen | |
the | eight | yellow | roses |
c. | * | acht de gele rozen |
d. | * | de gele acht rozen |
However, more needs to be said about the order in (59d), since this order is acceptable when the attributive adjective is assigned contrastive accent, as in (60a); cf. Kobele and Zimmermann (2012:239) for a similar observation in German. This is an option when the active discourse domain (domain D) contains various bouquets, each consisting of eight roses: (60a) can then be used to distinguish the yellow bouquet from the bouquets containing roses of a different color. This order of the cardinal and the attributive modifier requires that the roses be part of domain D, which correctly predicts that this order is not found in indefinite noun phrases such as (60a'). In (60b&b') we give some comparable examples from the linguistic literature: again, the marked order requires that the referents of the noun phrase be part of domain D, so that the indefinite noun phrase in (60b') yields an infelicitous result.
a. | de | gele | acht | rozen | |
the | yellow | eight | roses |
b. | die | leuke | vier dochters | van hem | |
those | nice | four daughters | of his |
a'. | * | ∅ gele acht rozen |
b'. | * | ∅ leuke vier dochters van hem |
The unacceptable example in (59c) cannot be saved by assigning it a special intonation pattern: cardinals never precede the definite article. The same applies to the D-linked demonstrative and possessive pronouns in (61). Note that the primed examples become acceptable when the cardinal is preceded by alle as in alle vier zijn dochtersall four of his daughters; cf. Section 21.1.2.2.
a. | die | drie | boeken | |
those | three | books |
b. | zijn | vier | dochters | |
his | four | daughters |
a'. | * | drie die boeken |
b'. | * | vier zijn dochters |
Haeseryn et al. (1997) claims that the non-D-linked demonstrative pronouns zo’n and zulke behave differently. The primeless examples in (62) first show that these demonstratives cannot be followed by a cardinal: for (62a) this is of course not surprising, since we have seen in (57) above that the article eena, which here acts as part of the complex determiner zo’nsuch a, cannot be combined with a cardinal either; for (62b), on the other hand, no such explanation seems to be available. The data becomes even more puzzling when we consider the primed examples, which are certainly better than the primeless ones; similar cases can be easily found on the internet.
a. | * | zo’n | één | boek |
such a | one | book |
a'. | Eén zo’n boek | maakt | alles | goed. | ||||
one such a book | makes | all | well | |||||
'One book like that makes everything well.' |
b. | * | zulke | drie | boeken |
such | three | books |
b'. | % | drie zulke boeken | maken | alles | goed | |||
three such a book | makes | all | well | |||||
'Three book like that makes everything well.' |
Although some Dutch speakers reject examples such as (62b'), the fact that the primed examples are considered perfectly acceptable by some speakers poses a problem for the assumption that the non-D-linked demonstratives are located in the D-position of (59a), and suggests that they are actually lower in the nominal projection than the cardinal numerals.
