The use of allemaal as a modifier of the noun phrase is limited in the sense that it is only possible in bare (determiner-less) indefinite noun phrases: Table 9 shows that allemaal combines neither with singular count noun phrases, nor with plural noun phrases headed by a definite determiner (which is possible in, e.g., West-Flemish).

Allemaal is also prohibited in noun phrases headed by pluralia tantum, like (120a), and in noun phrases headed by plurals that denote a conventionally fixed unit, like (120b).

      The examples in (121) show that allemaal readily allows construal with the bare non-count nouns in (121), and the same thing holds for the deverbal nouns in (122), with the exception of the nominal infinitive. Note that adding a definite or indefinite article to these examples will result in ungrammaticality.

      Noun phrases modified by allemaal are typically weak, which is clear from the fact illustrated in (123) that, when used as a subject, they normally require the expletive er to be present. The primed examples of (123), in which the modified noun phrase is topicalized across the expletive, clearly show that allemaal forms a constituent with the noun following it (the constituency test).

Having established that the only types of noun phrases that allemaal can form a constituent with are bare plurals and bare non-count nouns, we will moe on to discuss the meaning of allemaal as a modifier of the noun phrase and the restrictions it imposes on other elements with the noun phrase.

Though allemaal can be used as a modifier in noun phrases headed by a plural count noun or a non-count noun, it should be noted that it does not contribute universal quantification in this case: an example such as allemaal boeken cannot be rendered by means of “all books” in English. In this respect the dependent use of allemaal differs from its prototypical use as a floating quantifier, which is discussed in Section 7.1.5.2, sub II. The following subsections discuss the semantic contributions that dependent allemaal can make.

The introduction to this section has shown that allemaal can only be construed with bare noun phrases in Standard Dutch. This was demonstrated only for articles, but it holds also for demonstratives and possessives. Occasionally, examples such as (128a) can be found in which allemaal seems to form a constituent with a +human personal pronoun. It should be noted, however, that, insofar as (128a) is acceptable, it involves universal quantification: since this is the reading typically found with the floating quantifier allemaal in the primed examples in (128), this casts doubt on the assumption that we are dealing with a modifier; see Section 7.1.5.2, sub II, for more on the floating quantifier use of allemaal.

If we assume that we may dismiss examples such as (128a) as irrelevant, we can maintain that allemaal can only form a constituent with bare plurals and bare non-count nouns. It should be noted, however, that these categories allow the insertion of the indefinite determiner-like elements dat/dit/zulk soort'such' between allemaal and the noun phrase, albeit that for the majority of speakers these elements must be preceded by van in constructions such as (129).

The question that arises with respect to the examples with van is whether we are dealing with a partitive construction here. This question is difficult to answer with certainty, but if these are partitive constructions, they are anomalous in the sense that the felicity of van depends entirely on the presence of the indefinite determiner-like elements dat/dit/zulk soort; in the absence of these, the examples in (129) are ungrammatical.

      The ungrammatical examples in (130) can be salvaged by placing die between van and the noun, as shown in (131). These noun phrases instantiate the pseudo-partitive van die N construction discussed in Section 5.2.3.2, sub IIE, whose semantics is close to that of zulke N and can best be rendered in English as “such Ns”.

Allemaal thus differs from the other al-quantifiers in being the only one that can precede pseudo-partitive phrases, where it receives the “sorting” interpretation discussed in Section 7.1.5.1, sub IIA. Given that we have seen there that on this reading allemaal generally alternates with allerlei, it does not come as a surprise that examples (129b) and (131b) have grammatical counterparts featuring allerlei, as shown in (132); although some speakers may object to these examples, they occur frequently on the internet.

      Finally, it can be noted that it is impossible for allemaal to be used as a modifier with noun phrases that are independently quantified, as shown in (133).

Example (134) shows that the modifier allemaal does not behave like a definite determiner when it comes to the determination of adjectival inflection; the attributively used adjective slim cannot be inflected. In this respect allemaal exhibits the same behavior as the quantifier alle in the somewhat marginal example (70a) in Section 7.1.2.2, sub IIB, although the two cannot serve as each otherʼs paraphrase; while alle in (70a) expresses universal quantification, allemaal in (134) has the “sorting” interpretation mentioned in Section 7.1.5.1, sub IIA.

Externally, noun phrases modified by allemaal also behave like weak noun phrases, which is evident from the fact that they can occur as the subject in expletive er constructions; cf. (125b) and (126b), repeated here as (135).