- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Nouns and noun phrases (JANUARI 2025)
- 15 Characterization and classification
- 16 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. General observations
- 16.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 16.3. Clausal complements
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 17.2. Premodification
- 17.3. Postmodification
- 17.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 17.3.2. Relative clauses
- 17.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 17.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 17.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 17.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 17.4. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 18.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Articles
- 19.2. Pronouns
- 19.3. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Numerals and quantifiers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. Numerals
- 20.2. Quantifiers
- 20.2.1. Introduction
- 20.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 20.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 20.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 20.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 20.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 20.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 20.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 20.5. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Predeterminers
- 21.0. Introduction
- 21.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 21.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 21.3. A note on focus particles
- 21.4. Bibliographical notes
- 22 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 23 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Syntax
-
- General
This section discusses the syntactic distribution of noun phrases containing one of the variants of heel examined in Section 7.2.2. For each of the uses of heel we will consider whether the relevant noun phrases occur as arguments (subject, direct object, indirect object, complement of a preposition), as predicates and/or as adjuncts.
In the discussion of the external syntactic distribution of heel phrases, a distinction must be made between the various semantic readings of heel . It turns out that heel phrases normally readily appear in all argument positions, although we will show that a special proviso is needed in the case of the negative polarity reading. Heel phrases, with the notable exception of negative polar heel ones, can normally also be used as predicates or adjuncts. The possibilities are given in the table in (276); the numbers refer to the examples to be discussed in the following subsections. Negative polarity readings of pre- and post-determiner heel will be treated on a par in what follows, although the former is clearly preferred in this function, hence the distinction made in the final column in the table.
pre-D heel (Q reading) | post-D heel | heel/hele (NPI) | |||
adjectival | totality | degree | |||
subject | ✓ (277a) | ✓ (277b) | ✓ (277c) | ✓ (277d) | ?/✓ (278c-e) |
direct object | ✓ (279a) | ✓ (279b) | ✓ (279c) | ✓ (279d) | ?/✓(279e) |
indirect object | ✓ (280a) | ✓ (280b) | ✓ (280c) | ✓ (280d) | ?/✓ (280e) |
Complement of PP | ✓ (281a) | ✓ (281b) | ✓ (281c) | ✓ (281d) | ? (281e) |
predicate | ✓ (282a) | ✓ (282b) | ✓ (282c) | ✓ (282d) | * (282e) |
adjunct | ✓(283a) | ✓(284a) | ✓(283b) | ✓(283c) | * (287) |
Example (277a) shows that the core reading of bare heel phrases (“exhaustive partitioning of structured units”) is readily available in subject position. The adjectival, totality and degree readings of post-determiner inflectible heel are also readily available for heel phrases in subject position.
a. | Heel | de appel | zit | vol wormen. | Q reading | |
all | the apple | sits | full [of] worms | |||
'The entire apple is full of worms.' |
b. | Een hele appel | is beter | dan een halve. | adjectival reading | |
a whole apple | is better | than a half | |||
'A whole apple is better than a half one.' |
c. | De hele appel | zit | vol wormen. | totality reading | |
the whole apple | sits | full [of] worms | |||
'The entire apple is full of worms.' |
d. | Er | lag | een hele berg appels | op de tafel. | degree reading | |
there | lay | a whole mountain [of] apples | on the table | |||
'There was quite a pile of apples lying on the table.' |
The availability of the negative polarity interpretation depends on the type of verb involved. If the verb is intransitive or transitive, that is, if the phrase with heel is an underlying subject, this reading is not available, as is shown by (278a&b). However, if we are dealing with a passive or an unaccusative verb, that is, if we are dealing with a DO-subject, as in (278c-e), the negative polarity interpretation is easily possible; see also the discussion in Section 7.2.1.2.2, sub III. The question mark preceding pre-determiner bare heel is to indicate that it is less preferred on the negative polarity reading than post-determiner inflectible heel .
a. | * | Heel die/Die hele vent | werkt | niet. |
all that/that whole guy | works | not |
b. | * | Heel die/Die hele vent | heeft | dat boek | niet | gelezen. |
all that/that whole guy | has | that book | not | read |
c. | Dat hele/?Heel dat artikel | is door iedereen | al | vergeten. | |
that whole/all that article | is by everyone | already | forgotten |
d. | Dat hele/?Heel dat artikel | was toen | nog | niet | verschenen. | |
that whole/all that article | was then | yet | not | appeared |
e. | Dat hele/?Heel dat toneelstuk | kan | me | echt | niet | bekoren. | |
that whole/all that play | can | me | really | not | please |
We will see in the following subsection that DO-subjects behave just like objects. This means that, in technical terms, the contrast between (278a&b) and (278c-e) can be accounted for by assuming that the negative polarity item heel must be c-commanded by its licenser (the negation) at some stage in the derivation.
For direct and indirect objects, grammatical examples can be constructed for all the various uses of heel . This is illustrated for direct objects in (279). The question mark preceding pre-determiner bare heel in (279) again indicates that the example with post-determiner inflectible heel is preferred on the negative polarity reading.
a. | Ik | heb | heel de appel | opgegeten. | Q reading | |
I | have | all the apple | prt.-eaten | |||
'I ate up the entire apple.' |
b. | Ik | wil | graag | een hele appel. | adjectival reading | |
I | want | please | a whole apple | |||
'I would like to have a whole apple, please.' |
c. | Ik | heb | de hele appel | opgegeten. | totality reading | |
I | have | the whole apple | prt.-eaten | |||
'I ate the entire apple up.' |
d. | Ik | heb | een hele berg appels | gegeten. | degree reading | |
I | have | a whole mountain [of] apples | eaten | |||
'I ate a whole pile of apples.' |
e. | Ik | ken | die hele/?heel die vent | niet. | NPI | |
I | know | that whole/all that guy | not | |||
'I donʼt know that guy at all.' |
The examples in (280) give comparable sentences with heel phrases functioning as indirect objects. Example (280a), which was given earlier as (165a), should be seen in the light of the discussion of the role of distributivity in Section 7.2.1.1; see also the discussion of the contrast between the examples in (166a) and (187a).
a. | Ik | heb | heel het huis | een opknapbeurt | gegeven. | Q reading | |
I | have | all the house | a cleaning | given | |||
'I gave the entire house a cleaning.' |
b. | Ik | geef | een hele appel | de voorkeur | boven een halve. | adjectival reading | |
I | give | a whole apple | the preference | over a half | |||
'I prefer a whole apple to a half one.' |
c. | Ik | heb | het hele huis | een opknapbeurt | gegeven. | totality reading | |
I | have | the whole house | a cleaning | given | |||
'I gave the entire house a cleaning.' |
d. | Ik | heb | hele horden mensen | een hand | gegeven. | degree reading | |
I | have | whole hordes [of] people | a hand | given | |||
'I shook hands with immense hordes of people.' |
e. | Ik | zou | die hele/?heel die vent | niet eens | een hand | willen | geven. | NPI | |
I | would | that whole/all that guy | not even | a hand | want | give | |||
'I wouldnʼt even want to shake hands with that guy.' |
For the complement of a preposition, grammatical examples can again readily be constructed for all the various uses of heel . The negative polarity reading in (281e) is less felicitous than those in (279e) and (280e), but this might be a more general property of (some) Dutch negative polarity items. Example (281a), given earlier as (165b), again ties in with the discussion of the role of distributivity in Section 7.2.1.1; see also the discussion of the contrast between the examples in (166b) and (187b).
a. | We | kijken | naar | heel de mens. | Q reading | |
we | look | at | all the person | |||
'I took a view of the entire person.' |
b. | Ik | geef | aan een hele appel | de voorkeur. | adjectival reading | |
I | give | to a whole apple | the preference | |||
'I prefer a whole apple.' |
c. | Holistische geneeskunde | kijkt | naar de hele mens. | totality reading | |
holistic healing | looks | at the whole person |
d. | Ik | heb | met hele horden mensen | staan | praten. | degree reading | |
I | have | with whole hordes [of] people | stand | talk | |||
'I stood talking to whole hordes of people.' |
e. | ? | Ik zou | met die hele/heel die vent | nog geen seconde | willen praten. | NPI |
I would | with that whole/all that guy | prt no second | want talk | |||
'I wouldnʼt even want to talk to that guy for a second.' |
The examples in (282) show that all heel phrases can be used as nominal predicates except for those involving heel used as a negative polarity item contributing condescension.
a. | Wij | zijn | samen | heel de vakgroep. | Q reading | |
we | are | together | all the department |
b. | Deze appel | is | een hele appel. | adjectival reading | |
this apple | is | a whole apple |
c. | Wij | zijn | samen | de hele vakgroep. | totality reading | |
we | are | together | the whole department |
d. | Wij | zijn | samen | een hele horde mensen. | degree reading | |
we | are | together | a whole horde [of] people |
e. | * | Hij | is | toch | niet | heel die/die hele vent | van hiernaast, | hè? | NPI |
he | is | prt | not | all that/that whole guy | of next.door | tag |
The ungrammaticality of (282e) is entirely due to the presence of heel/hele ; without it, the sentence is perfect. Since the problem with this example is clearly not due to the lack of a c-commanding licenser (which was the case with the subject cases in 278a&b), we have to find some other reason for the unacceptability of (282e). One option that comes to mind is that this is due to the fact that predicates normally provide new information, so the heel -phrase does not satisfy the D-linking requirement imposed on the negative polarity reading, which was discussed in Section 7.2.1.2.2, sub III.
Both pre-determiner bare heel and post-determiner inflectible heel show up in noun phrases that function as adverbial phrases. In (283a&b), heel and hele contribute their core quantificational semantics of exhaustivity/totality. In (283c), by contrast, the semantics of hele is that of (very) high degree; she was crying for a very long time. This difference between (283a&b) and (283c) is confirmed by the different intonation patterns they exhibit; cf. the discussion in Section 7.2.1.2.2.
a. | Heel de dag/tijd | zat | ze | te huilen. | |
all the day/time | sat | she | to cry |
a'. | [HEEL de dag]/*[heel de DAG] |
b. | De hele dag/tijd | zat | ze | te huilen. | |
the whole day/time | sat | she | to cry | ||
'She was crying all day/all the time.' |
b'. | [de HEle dag]/*[de hele DAG] |
c. | Hele dagen | zat | ze | te huilen. | |
whole days | sat | she | to cry | ||
'She was crying for days.' |
c'. | [hele DAgen]/*[HEle dagen] |
The unacceptable intonation pattern of (283c) is not categorically impossible for hele dagen , however. The minimal pair in (284a&b) is illustrative in this connection. While in the (a)-example the adjunct hele dagen specifies the extent of the entire duration of her working on her dissertation, in the (b)-example hele dagen says that she worked on her dissertation for an unspecified number of whole days (that is, it specifies the amount of time per day that she worked on her dissertation). In its stressed form hele is adjectival, as is clear from the fact that hele dagen alternates with halve dagen , as is shown in (284c).
a. | Ze | werkte | hele DAgen | aan haar proefschrift. | |
she | worked | whole days | on her dissertation | ||
'She was working on her dissertation for days (at a stretch).' |
b. | Ze | werkte | HEle dagen | aan haar proefschrift. | |
she | worked | whole days | on her dissertation | ||
'She worked full-time (whole days) on her dissertation.' |
c. | Ik | werk | HEle dagen, | maar | hij | werkt | HALve dagen. | |
I | work | whole days | but | he | works | half days | ||
'I work full-time, but he works part-time.' |
In (283a&b), the adjunct reading of the heel phrases is available for both pre- and post-determiner heel . In these examples, the syntax of the overall construction makes adjunct construal the only possibility for the heel phrases. In examples of the type in (285), however, the noun phrase following the verb in principle has two construal possibilities; it can be interpreted either as the object of the verb, in which case the verb fluiten means “to play the flute”, or as an adjunct, in which case fluiten means “whistle”; see Section 8.3 for more discussion. It may be the case that adjunct construal is not equally felicitous in the two examples in (285); some (but not all) speakers find that the object reading is strongly preferred in the case of (285a), while (285b) is ambiguous. This suggests that, at least for a subset of speakers, the adverbial reading of heel phrases with pre-determiner bare heel is restricted.
a. | Ze | floot | heel het concert. | |
she | whistled/played the flute | all the concert |
b. | Ze | floot | het hele concert. | |
she | whistled/played the flute | the whole concert |
The discussion above has focused on the construal of heel phrases as temporal adverbial phrases. This is indeed by far the most frequent way in which heel phrases are used as adjuncts; the examples in (286) show that even heel phrases headed by a noun that can otherwise be used as a measure phrase for distance can receive a temporal interpretation.
a. | Zij | zat | heel de afstand van Amsterdam naar Tilburg | te fluiten. | |
she | sat | all the distance from Amsterdam to Tilburg | to whistle |
b. | Zij | zat | de hele afstand van Amsterdam naar Tilburg | te fluiten. | |
she | sat | the whole distance from Amsterdam to Tilburg | to whistle | ||
'All the way from Amsterdam to Tilburg she was whistling.' |
So far we have seen that in adjuncts heel can receive a core quantificational interpretation, a degree interpretation and a reading which is presumably to be classified as adjectival (the “full-time” interpretation of hele dagen illustrated in (284b&c)). What is impossible is for heel to be interpreted as a negative polarity item contributing condescension; while example (287) is certainly grammatical, both with and without heel/hele , the negative polarity interpretation is not available; the reading assigned to heel/hele is the core interpretation of exhaustivity/totality.
Ik | werkte | (heel) die/die (hele) dag | niet | eens! | ||
I | worked | all that/that whole day | not | even | ||
'I didnʼt even work that day!' |
