Attributively and predicatively used participles are special in that they generally cannot be modified by amplifiers like zeer'very' or downtoners like vrij'rather'; the only exceptions are the present and past/passive participles of the object experiencer psych-verbs, such as those given in (163).

The resistance to modification by an intensifier even holds if the participle seems to imply some scale. Take a participle such as opgeleid'trained' in (164), which is derived from the transitive verb opleiden'to train': regardless of whether someone has had only a basic or a more extensive education, we would call the person educated, which shows that opgeleid refers to a range on some implied scale. Nevertheless, example (164a) shows that we cannot use an amplifier or downtoner to indicate which point on the implied scale we mean, and (164b&c) show that comparative/superlative formation is also blocked; see Chapter 3 and Chapter 4 for a comprehensive discussion of modification and comparison.

Indicating the intended point on the implied scale is possible, however, by using the adjectival intensifiers slecht'badly' and goed'well' in (165), which refer to, respectively, the lower and the higher side of the implied scale. Example (165a') shows that the sequence goed/slecht opgeleid voor deze functie can be placed in clause-initial position, from which we conclude that the intensifier and the adjectival participle form a constituent; cf. the constituency test.

More examples of adjectivally used past/passive participles that can be modified by means of an intensifier are given in (166).

For completeness’ sake, note that the intensifiers slecht'badly' and goed'well' belong to the class of gradable adjectives, and may therefore be subject to modification by means of an amplifier/downtoner themselves and may also undergo comparative and superlative formation. This is illustrated in (167).

      Occasionally, the modifiers of predicatively/attributively used participles seem to correspond to manner adverbs; see Section 3.5, sub III, for other cases in which VP adverbs seem to modify an adjective. This can be seen in the (a)-examples of (168): in the primeless example zorgvuldig is used as a manner adverb, whereas in the primed examples it is used as a modifier of the adjectivally used past/passive participle bereid 'prepared' . The (b)-examples show, however, that this is not always possible; hoog can be used as a modifier of the participle opgeleid 'trained' , but not as a manner adverb.

Pseudo-participles like gehandicapt'handicapped' can combine with similar adjectival intensifiers as predicatively and attributively used participles; (169) provides examples that involve the intensifiers zwaar and licht. These examples show again that these intensifiers are themselves gradable adjectives: they can be modified by an amplifier or downtoner, and comparative/superlative formation is possible as well. Other pseudo-participles that can be modified by adjectival intensifiers are given in (170).

Deverbal adjectives, like verstaanbaar'intelligible' and verteerbaar'digestible' in (171), can be also used with intensifiers similar to those that combine with predicatively and attributively used participles. Again, the intensifiers act as gradable adjectives: they can be modified by an amplifier or downtoner, and comparative/superlative formation is possible as well.

The examples in the previous subsections amply demonstrate that the intensifiers under discussion belong to the class of gradable adjectives. Being gradable themselves, they can also be questioned, in which case they may be extracted from the complex AP. The alternative option of moving the complete AP also seems to be available, but gives rise to a somewhat marked result. In (173), this is demonstrated for the (a)-examples in (167), (169) and (171).