Table 14 has shown that the distribution of postdeterminer heel in its quantificational reading is tightly connected to the nature of the definite determiner that heads the noun phrase in which heel occurs. The main results are as follows. First, the determiners of the singular noun phrases in Table 14 trigger a totality reading of heel. Second, the determiners of the plural noun phrases prevent a totality reading of heel, and as a result plural examples such as de hele steden are not well-formed. Finally, the distal demonstrative diethat/those can lead to a negative polarity interpretation of postdeterminer heel, which explains why the plural noun phrase die hele steden is more or less well-formed.

The distal and proximate demonstratives can receive contrastive accent in the presence of postdeterminer heel, as shown in (297). Backward conjunction reduction and NP-ellipsis are possible in these examples, but only if hele is omitted along with the rest of the noun phrase; the overt realization of hele in these examples produces a very marginal result in the case of backward conjunction reduction and is quite impossible in the case of NP-ellipsis. In this respect postdeterminer hele behaves like beide, as discussed in Section 21.1.2.2, sub IB. -

In singular noun phrases, postdeterminer inflectible heel easily follows possessives of all kinds, pronominal, genitive, and semi-genitival possessives alike. Heel has the quantificational semantics of totality in all examples in (298); the degree or negative polarity readings are not available in possessed noun phrases.

Table 17 shows that postdeterminer heel can also occur in indefinite singular noun phrases, provided that a determiner is present: the unacceptability of the determinerless examples indicates that, unlike quantifiers like elkevery or iedereach (cf. Section 20.2), heel cannot play the role of determiner or determiner-substitute in singular noun phrases. Table 17 also shows that heel inflects with schwa depending on the gender of the head noun, just like attributive adjectives in noun phrases with the singular indefinite article een (cf. Section 17.2, sub I); heel is used with neuter head nouns, hele with non-neuter ones.

Although the examples with non-count and count nouns are syntactically similar, they are semantically distinct. With count nouns, postdeterminer heel contributes a totality interpretation, whereas with non-count nouns heel receives a degree reading; an example such as een hele ellende is best rendered as quite a misery.

Example (289), repeated here as (299), finally shows that inflectible heel can occur in bare plurals. Note, however, that it is excluded in plural noun phrases in exclamative constructions of the type een \`1*hele\`1 boeken dat hij heeft!

Postdeterminer heel can follow not only the indefinite article een, but also indefinite determiners like zo’nsuch a in (300a&b), in which heel receives a totality interpretation. Note that (300c) is unacceptable; inflectible heel apparently cannot express a “quite” degree when preceded by zo’n.

It is impossible to combine postdeterminer heel with een dergelijk(e)such a with heel to the left of dergelijk(e). With heel to the right of dergelijk(e) the result is acceptable, but only on the adjectival reading “whole, intact”. Since this reading is incompatible with the nouns stad and ellende, the examples in (301c&d) are degraded in all readings.

The examples in (302) also show that inflectible heel cannot precede the indefinite determiner-like elements dat/dit/zulk soort and zulke/dergelijke/van diesuch either. The unacceptability of the examples in (302a&b) on the intended reading is not surprising, because quantificational heel cannot normally be used in plural noun phrases; these examples allow only adjectival heel. The unacceptability of (302c&d) with heel, however, shows that the indefinite determiner-like elements under discussion are not compatible with quantificational heel; the adjectival interpretation of the postdeterminer is also ruled out because of the aforementioned incompatibility of the meaning of adjectival heel and the noun ellende.

It seems that postdeterminer inflectible heel cannot be combined with other quantifiers in its quantificational reading. It is possible for heel to follow the quantifiers enige and sommige, but then it will be interpreted as purely adjectival, meaning “whole, intact”. The same is true if heel follows the quantifiers veel and weinig.

Three of the four examples in (303) are excluded for independent reasons: the (a)-examples are excluded because quantificational heel cannot normally be used in plural noun phrases; (303b) is excluded because enige and sommige must be followed by a count noun. This leaves (303b') as the only evidence for the claim that quantificational heel cannot be combined with other quantifiers. However, this claim is also supported by the fact that the syntactically singular noun phrases in (304) are questionable in the intended reading: they are only acceptable with a purely adjectival interpretation of heel.

Quantificational readings are not available for postdeterminer heel in the presence of attributively used quantifiers; example (305a), in which heel occurs to the right of the quantifiers in question, is only acceptable on the adjectival reading of heel; because the noun lijden in (305b) does not easily allow the adjectival reading of heel, its unacceptability therefore shows that a totality reading is impossible in such cases. The examples in (306) show that a negative polarity reading of heel is also impossible in this context.

Note that the sequence hele vele in (305b)(306a) can be interpreted as “very much/many”, but this is not relevant here.

Like bare heel, inflectible heel cannot be combined with pronouns, whether to the left or to the right of them. Table (307) illustrates this only for the first case. Obvious exceptions are cases such as mijn hele ikmy whole self, where the proper noun ikI is used as a common noun.

In general, inflectible heel cannot be combined with proper nouns either. However, when the proper noun is modified, as in (308b), and can thus be preceded by a determiner, inflectible heel becomes possible with a totality reading. When the distal demonstrative die is present, as in (308b'), inflectible heel can also be used as a negative polarity item, expressing condescension on the part of the speaker.

Another exception are proper nouns preceded by a definite determiner. Some examples are given in (309).