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16.2.5.5.The status of the postnominal PPs
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Before we can apply the adjunct/complement tests provided in Section 16.2.1 to determine whether the postnominal PPs are adjuncts or complements of the picture/story noun, we need to point out that it is often not immediately clear whether a given postnominal PP is part of the noun phrase or positioned outside the noun phrase as a complement of the verb or a restrictive adverbial phrase. This is particularly important for the question of whether the PP-extraction test can be considered a reliable means of distinguishing between complements and adjuncts within the noun phrase. Therefore, we will first consider the possible functions of these PPs in some detail and suggest ways to distinguish between these functions. The overall aim of this section is to find a way to establish the status of the PPs in the various constructions, as complements of the picture/story noun or as independent constituents (e.g. complements of the verb or restrictive adverbial phrases).

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[+]  I.  The postnominal van-PPs of picture nouns

Observations on PP-extraction from noun phrases headed by picture nouns are complicated by the fact that the acceptability of the resulting structures depends on the choice of verb; cf. Kooij & Wiers (1977/1978), Klein & Van der Toorn (1979), De Haan (1979), and many others. This is illustrated in (526) for the verbs ziento see and beschadigento damage by means of topicalization; similar observations can be made for relativization and questioning, but we will not go into this here. The primeless examples show that both verbs are possible when the van-PPs follow the picture noun. When the PP is topicalized, as in the primed examples, there is a contrast between the two verbs: the result is highly dubious for the verb beschadigento damage, but on the whole fine for the verb ziento see.

526
a. Ik heb een tekening van de WestertorenTheme gezien/beschadigd.
  I have a drawing of the Westertoren seen/damaged
  'I have seen/damaged a drawing of the Westertoren.'
a'. Van de WestertorenTheme heb ik een tekening gezien/*?beschadigd.
b. Ik heb een tekening van RembrandtAgent gezien/beschadigd.
  I have a drawing of Rembrandt seen/damaged
  'I have seen/damaged a drawing by Rembrandt.'
b'. Van RembrandtAgent heb ik een tekening gezien/??beschadigd.
c. Ik heb een tekening van de WestertorenTh van RembrandtAg gezien/beschadigd.
  I have a drawing of the Westertoren of Rembrandt seen/damaged
  'I have seen/damaged a drawing of the Westertoren by Rembrandt.'
c'. Van Rembrandt heb ik een tekening van de Westertoren gezien/??beschadigd.
c''. Van de Westertoren heb ik een tekening van Rembrandt gezien/*?beschadigd.

One way to account for these contrasts is to assume that with verbs like ziento see the van-PP need not be part of the noun phrase, but can also function as an independent constituent, e.g. as a complement to the verb or as a restrictive adverbial phrase. This would mean that sentences with such verbs could have two different structures: one in which the van-PP is inside the noun phrase, and one in which it is outside the noun phrase. Of course, this difference in structure should correspond not only to a difference in syntactic behavior, but also to a difference in interpretation.

In order to find out whether such an approach is tenable, Subsection A looks in detail at constructions of picture nouns used in combination with three types of verbs: verbs of creation such as makento make, verbs of transfer such as the ditransitive verb kopento buy, and affective verbs such as beschadigento damage. which denote activities that in one way or another affect their theme argument. We consider possible structural and interpretational ambiguities of constructions involving these verbs and suggest ways to disambiguate them. In Subsection B we consider the behavior of verbs like ziento see and vervalsento forge, which at first sight seem to defy classification into any of the verb types distinguished so far.

[+]  A.  Picture nouns with makenmake, kopenbuy and beschadigendamage

Picture nouns are often used in combination with verbs of creation like schilderento paint or makento make. We will see that the van-PP in such constructions is ambiguous in the way indicated by the (b)-examples in (527): it can function either as a complement of the picture noun, as indicated by (527b), or as a restrictive adverbial phrase, as indicated by (527b'). We will also see that this difference in structure can be motivated by an appeal to an interpretational difference; cf. Klein & Van der Toorn (1979).

527
a. Ik heb een tekening van RembrandtTheme gemaakt.
  I have a drawing of Rembrandt made
  'I have made a drawing of Rembrandt.'
b. Ik heb [NP een tekening [PP van Rembrandt]Theme] gemaakt.
b'. Ik heb [NP een tekening] [PP van Rembrandt]adv gemaakt.

For comparison, example (528) provides similar constructions with the ditransitive verb kopento buy, which represents the second type of verb. Here, however, the ambiguity is of a different kind: the van-PP can be interpreted either as the agent or theme argument of the noun, as in (528b), or as a PP-complement of the verb, as in (528b').

528
a. Ik heb een tekening van RembrandtAgent/Theme/Source gekocht.
  I have a drawing of Rembrandt bought
  'I have bought a drawing by/of/from Rembrandt.'
b. Ik heb [NP een tekening [PP van Rembrandt]Agent/Theme] gekocht.
b'. Ik heb [NP een tekening] [PP van Rembrandt]Source gekocht.

Finally, example (529) provides a construction with the affective verb beschadigento damage, which, we will argue, only allows the interpretation with the PP as complement of the noun: the structure in (529b') does not occur.

529
a. Ik heb een tekening van RembrandtAgent/Theme beschadigd.
  I have a drawing of Rembrandt damaged
  'I have damaged a painting by/of Rembrandt.'
b. Ik heb [NP een tekening [PP van Rembrandt]Agent/Theme] beschadigd.
b'. * Ik heb [NP een tekening] [PP van Rembrandt]Adv beschadigd.

In the following, we will refer to van-PPs that are part of the noun phrase as dependent PPs, and van-PPs that are external to the noun phrase and function as an argument of the verb or as a restrictive adverbial phrase as independent PPs. The two types of independent PPs are distinguished by the labels assigned to them.

[+]  1.  Scope of the ordinal numeral eerstefirst

The distinction between dependent and independent van-PPs relates to a difference in interpretation, which can be made more conspicuous by adding the ordinal numeral eerstefirst; cf. also (475) and (478) in Section 16.2.5.1. The examples in (530a&b) turn out to be ambiguous: if the van-PP depends on the picture noun, as in the singly-primed examples, we are not dealing with the first drawings the speaker ever made or bought, but merely with the first drawing of/by Rembrandt he made/bought; if the PP is independent of the noun, as in the doubly-primed examples, we are dealing with the first drawings the speaker made or bought. The second reading is not available for (530c), which can only mean that it is the first picture made by or depicting Rembrandt that is damaged. From this we can conclude that the van-PP cannot be used independently with verbs like beschadigen.

530
a. Ik heb mijn eerste tekening van Rembrandt gemaakt.
  I have my first drawing of Rembrandt made
  'I (have) made my first drawing of Rembrandt.'
a'. Ik heb [NP mijn eerste tekening [PP van Rembrandt]Theme] gemaakt.
a''. Ik heb [NP mijn eerste tekening] [PP van Rembrandt]Adv gemaakt.
b. Ik heb mijn eerste tekening van Rembrandt gekocht.
  I have my first drawing by Rembrandt bought
  'I (have) bought my first painting by/of/from Rembrandt.'
b'. Ik heb [NP mijn eerste tekening [PP van Rembrandt]Agent/Theme] gekocht.
b''. Ik heb [NP mijn eerste tekening] [PP van Rembrandt]Source gekocht.
c. Ik heb mijn eerste tekening van Rembrandt beschadigd.
  I have my first drawing of Rembrandt damaged
  'I (have) damaged my first painting by/of Rembrandt.'
c'. Ik heb [NP mijn eerste tekening [PP van Rembrandt]Agent/Theme] beschadigd.
c''. * Ik heb [NP mijn eerste tekening] [PP van Rembrandt]Adv beschadigd.
[+]  2.  Negation

The insertion of the negator nietnot can also be used to disambiguate these sentences, provided that we assume that it can only be placed between the noun and an independent van-PP, i.e. that it cannot occur internal to the noun phrase. This correctly predicts that (531a&b) is acceptable only on the reading that the picture in question is the first one the speaker has ever made/bought, whereas the construction in (531c) is unacceptable, since neither of the two possible structures is available.

531
a. Ik heb mijn eerste tekening niet van Rembrandt gemaakt.
  I have my first drawing not of Rembrandt made
  'I did not make my first drawing of Rembrandt.'
a'. * Ik heb [NP mijn eerste tekening niet van Rembrandt]Theme gemaakt.
a''. Ik heb [NP mijn eerste tekening] niet [PP van Rembrandt]Adv gemaakt.
b. Ik heb mijn eerste tekening niet van Rembrandt gekocht.
  I have my first drawing not of Rembrandt bought
  'I did not buy my first drawing from Rembrandt.'
b'. * Ik heb [NP mijn eerste tekening niet van Rembrandt]Agent/Theme gekocht.
b''. Ik heb [NP mijn eerste tekening] niet [PP van Rembrandt]Source gekocht.
c. * Ik heb mijn eerste tekening niet van Rembrandt beschadigd.
  I have my first drawing not of Rembrandt damaged
c'. * Ik heb [NP mijn eerste tekening niet van Rembrandt]Agent/Theme beschadigd.
c''. * Ik heb [NP mijn eerste tekening] niet [PP van Rembrandt]Adv beschadigd.
[+]  3.  Topicalization

Topicalization of the noun phrase can also be used to distinguish the two readings. Of course, since van-PPs can be dependent on the noun with all verbs, it stands to reason that it is always possible to topicalize the van-PP together with the noun phrase. Since in Dutch only a single constituent can be placed in sentence-initial position (the constituency test), the prediction is that only the structures in the singly-primed examples are acceptable. This prediction is again borne out: the primeless examples can only mean that the speaker made/bought/damaged a drawing of/by Rembrandt for the first time in 1982; the reading that should correspond to the doubly-primed examples, i.e. that the drawing in question was the first the speaker ever made/bought/damaged, is not available.

532
a. Mijn eerste tekening van Rembrandt heb ik gemaakt in 1982.
  my first drawing of Rembrandt have I made in 1982
  'My first drawing of Rembrandt I made in 1982.'
a'. [NP Mijn eerste tekening [PP van Rembrandt]Theme]i heb ik ti gemaakt in 1982.
a''. * [NP Mijn eerste tekening]i [PP van Rembrandt]Adv-j heb ik ti tj gemaakt in 1982.
b. Mijn eerste tekening van Rembrandt heb ik gekocht in 1982.
  my first drawing of Rembrandt have I bought in 1982
  'My first drawing by/of Rembrandt I bought in 1982.'
b'. [NP Mijn eerste tekening [PP van Rembrandt]Agent/Theme]i heb ik ti gekocht in 1982.
b''. * [NP Mijn eerste tekening]i [PP van Rembrandt]Source-j heb ik ti tj gekocht in 1982.
c. Mijn eerste tekening van Rembrandt heb ik beschadigd in 1982.
  my first drawing of Rembrandt have I damaged in 1982
  'My first drawing by/of Rembrandt I damaged in 1982.'
c'. [NP Mijn eerste tekening [PP van Rembrandt]Agent/Theme]i heb ik ti beschadigd in 1982.
c''. * [NP Mijn eerste tekening]i [PP van Rembrandt]Adv-j heb ik ti tj beschadigd in 1982.

If we consider the possibilities of topicalizing only the picture noun, i.e. of stranding the PP in its original position, we would expect only the doubly-primed structures to yield acceptable results. The examples in (533) show that this is also confirmed: the examples in (533a&b) can only express that the drawing in question is the very first one the speaker made or bought, which means that these sentences must be assigned the structures in the doubly primed examples. The fact that (533c) does not allow this kind of topicalization again shows that the PP cannot be used independently with the verb beschadigento damage.

533
a. Mijn eerste tekening heb ik van Rembrandt gemaakt.
  my first drawing have I of Rembrandt made
  'My first drawing I made of Rembrandt.'
a'. * [NP Mijn eerste tekening]i heb ik [NP ti [PP van Rembrandt]Theme] gemaakt.
a''. [NP Mijn eerste tekening]i heb ik ti [PP van Rembrandt]Adv gemaakt.
b. Mijn eerste tekening heb ik van Rembrandt gekocht.
  my first drawing have I of Rembrandt bought
  'My first drawing I bought from Rembrandt.'
b'. * [NP Mijn eerste tekening]i heb ik [NP ti [PP van Rembrandt]] gekocht.
b''. [NP Mijn eerste tekening]i heb ik ti [PP van Rembrandt]Source gekocht.
c. * Mijn eerste tekening heb ik van Rembrandt beschadigd.
  my first drawing have I of Rembrandt damaged
c'. * [NP Mijn eerste tekening] heb ik [NP ti [PP van Rembrandt]] beschadigd.
c''. * [NP Mijn eerste tekening] heb ik ti [PP van Rembrandt]Adv beschadigd.

The examples in (534) involve topicalization of the van-PP, which, not surprisingly, seems to be possible only with independent van-PPs. This is clear from the interpretation of (534a&b): example (534a) expresses that the first drawing the speaker ever made was one of Rembrandt, and example (534b) expresses that the first drawing the speaker ever bought was bought from Rembrandt (source). As expected, example (534c) is degraded: the reading associated with (534c') is at best marginally acceptable in the (unlikely) context that the speaker is planning to damage several of his drawings of/by Rembrandt.

534
a. Van Rembrandt heb ik mijn eerste tekening gemaakt.
  of Rembrandt have I my first drawing made
  'Of Rembrandt I (have) made my first drawing.'
a'. * [PP Van Rembrandt]Theme-i heb ik [NP mijn eerste tekening ti] gemaakt.
a''. [PP Van Rembrandt]Adv-i heb ik [NP mijn eerste tekening] ti gemaakt.
b. Van Rembrandt*Agent/*Theme/Source heb ik mijn eerste tekening gekocht.
  of Rembrandt have I my first drawing bought
  'From Rembrandt I bought my first drawing.'
b'. * [PP Van Rembrandt]i heb ik [NP mijn eerste tekening ti] gekocht.
b''. [PP Van Rembrandt]Source-i heb ik [NP mijn eerste tekening] ti gekocht.
c. ?? Van RembrandtTheme/Agent heb ik mijn eerste tekening beschadigd.
  of Rembrandt have I my first drawing damaged
  'I have damaged my first drawing of Rembrandt.'
c'. ?? [PP Van Rembrandt]Theme/Agent-i heb ik [NP mijn eerste tekening ti] beschadigd.
c''. * [PP Van Rembrandt]Adv-i heb ik [NP mijn eerste tekening] ti beschadigd.

Note, however, that it is possible to force the reading associated with (534a'), according to which the drawing in question is not the very first one the speaker made, but his first one of Rembrandt, by adding an adverb like nunow or inmiddels ookby now also. Obviously, this cannot be immediately accounted for by assuming that only PPs functioning as independent constituents can be topicalized.

535
Van Rembrandt heb ik nu mijn eerste tekening gemaakt.
  of Rembrandt have I now my first drawing made
'Of Rembrandt I (have) made my first drawing now.'

The fact that (535) can express the reading associated with (534a') can thus be taken as an argument for the claim that theme arguments of picture nouns can be extracted from the noun phrase by topicalization; however, this would come at the cost of being unable to explain the robust syntactic pattern established in (532) to (534). We might therefore consider a non-syntactic account, related to the observation that the use of adverbial phrases such as nunow and inmiddels ookby now also entails a context in which the speaker has planned to produce a series of drawings of famous painters. The function of the restrictive van-PP seems to be to make a selection from a presupposed set of painters: all this in turn would give the participants in the discourse sufficient reason to assume a phonetically empty but syntactically expressed theme argument of the picture noun.

[+]  B.  Picture nouns with ziento see and vervalsento forge

This subsection discusses constructions with the (non-affective) verbs ziento see and vervalsento forge to see if there are reasons to assume that these can also be combined with an independent van-PP. Although structure (536b') seems to be generally excluded, we will argue that it is not completely ungrammatical.

536
a. Ik heb een tekening van Rembrandt gezien/vervalst.
  I have a drawing of Rembrandt seen/forged
  'I have seen/forged a drawing by/of Rembrandt.'
b. Ik heb [een tekening [van Rembrandt]Agent/Theme] gezien/vervalst.
b'. Ik heb [een tekening] [van Rembrandt]ADV gezien/vervalst.

A first reason for rejecting (536b') is that adding the ordinal numeral eerste does not create scope ambiguity: example (537a) only expresses that the drawing is the first drawing of/by Rembrandt the speaker has ever seen/forged, which suggests that structure (537b') is not available.

537
a. Ik heb mijn eerste tekening van Rembrandt gezien/vervalst.
  I have my first drawing of Rembrandt seen/forged
  'I have seen/forged my first drawing of Rembrandt.'
b. Ik heb [mijn eerste tekening [van Rembrandt]Agent/Theme] gezien/vervalst.
b'. * Ik heb [mijn eerste tekening] [van Rembrandt] gezien/vervalst.

Based on these facts, we expect that placing the negator niet between the picture noun and the van-PP will also yield an unacceptable result. The examples in (538) show that this is borne out: both sentences are semantically ill-formed, regardless of the semantic role of Rembrandt (agent, theme, possessor).

538
a. * Ik heb een tekening niet van R. gezien/vervalst (maar van Frans Hals).
  I have a drawing not of R. seen/forged but of Frans Hals
b. * Ik heb mijn eerste tekening niet van R. gezien/vervalst (maar van Fr. Hals).
  I have my first drawing not of R seen/forged but of Frans Hals

Topicalization, however, seems to provide equivocal evidence. The fact illustrated by (539a) that topicalization of the whole noun phrase is possible again confirms the structure in (537b): the example may sound a bit awkward, but the addition of an adverbial such as in Amsterdam improves it a lot. However, the evidence for the ungrammaticality of the structure in (537b') is less strong. The claim is supported by the fact that topicalization of the noun phrase in isolation is impossible (cf. (539b)), but contradicted by the fact that topicalization of the van-PP in isolation seems to be allowed (cf. (539c)).

539
a. Mijn eerste tekening van R. heb ik in Amsterdam gezien/vervalst.
  my first drawing of R. have I in Amsterdam seen/forged
  'I have seen/forged my first drawing by/of Rembrandt in Amsterdam.'
b. * Mijn eerste tekening heb ik van R. gezien/vervalst (niet van Frans Hals).
  my first drawing have I of R. seen/forged not of Frans Hals
c. Van Rembrandt heb ik mijn eerste tekening gezien/vervalst.
  of Rembrandt have I my first drawing seen/forged

Our instances behave slightly differently with regard to the negation test when we use a determiner like zo’nsuch a or een dergelijkea similar. Example (540a) shows that in such cases the negation can be placed between the noun phrases and the postnominal van-PP, and the same holds for adverbial material such as gisteren nogonly yesterday (not illustrated here). It is therefore very likely that we are dealing here with an independent van-PP, which is given further credence by the fact, illustrated in (540b-c), that topicalization of the picture noun can strand the PP and that the van-PP can be topicalized in isolation.

540
a. Ik heb zo’n/een dergelijke tekening niet van Rembrandt gezien/vervalst.
  I have such a/a similar drawing not of Rembrandt seen/forged
  'Such a/A similar drawing I have seen/forged not by/of Rembrandt.'
b. Zo’n/Een dergelijke tekening heb ik ook van Rembrandt gezien/vervalst.
  such a/a similar drawing have I also of Rembrandt seen/forged
c. Van Rembrandt heb ik ook zo’n/een dergelijke tekening gezien/vervalst.
  of Rembrandt have I also such a/a similar drawing seen/forged

It seems that this difference is related to the interpretation of the noun phrase: the noun phrase in (538a) refers to a specific token (hence the unacceptability: a drawing is usually not of/by two different persons), whereas the noun phrases in (540a) refer to a kind of drawing. Be that as it may, the examples show that it is not generally impossible for a restrictive van-PP to co-occur with the main verbs ziento see and vervalsento forge, as in representation (536b'). Consequently, it would be premature to use the acceptability of (539c) as a conclusive argument for the claim that it is possible to extract dependent van-PPs from a noun phrase headed by a picture noun.

[+]  C.  Conclusion

This subsection has shown that verbs can differ in whether they are compatible with the presence of an independent (adverbial) van-PP. We have seen that verbs of creation such as makento make and verbs of transfer such as kopento buy can co-occur with an independent van-PP, while affective verbs such as beschadigento damage cannot. However, the emerging generalization seems to be that topicalized van-PPs are independent of the picture noun, i.e. that extraction of dependent van-PPs from the noun phrase is ruled out. If this is the case, then the PP-extraction test should be dismissed as a fully valid means of distinguishing between complements and adjuncts within the noun phrase. However, since we have also seen a number of possible counterexamples to this generalization with non-affective verbs such as ziento see, we cannot reject this test with complete confidence.

[+]  II.  The postnominal van/over-PPs of story nouns

As in the case of picture nouns, observations on PP-extraction from noun phrases headed by story nouns are complicated by the fact that the acceptability of the resulting structures depends on the choice of verb. Constructions with story nouns combined with verbs of communication such as schrijvento write or lezento read will be shown to be both structurally and interpretatively ambiguous; the over-PP in (541a), for example, can be interpreted as the complement of the story noun or as functioning as an independent constituent of the clause.

541
a. Jan heeft een boek over WO II geschreven.
  Jan has a book about WW II written
  'Jan has written a book about World War II.'
b. Jan heeft [NP een boek [PP over WO II]Theme] geschreven.
b'. Jan heeft [NP een boek] [PP over WO II]Theme geschreven.

The same can be said for transfer verbs such as kopento buy in (542a), where the van-PP can be interpreted either as the agent of the noun or as the source argument of the verb. The preferred reading of (542a) depends on the knowledge of the speaker: those who know that Jan Arends is a writer will probably opt for the reading in (542b), while those who do not will opt for the reading in (542b'). We will not discuss this further here, as it would simply repeat the discussion of picture nouns in Subsection I.

542
a. Ik heb een boek van Jan ArendsAgent/Source gekocht.
  I have a book of Jan Arends bought
  'I have bought a book by/from Jan Arends.'
b. Ik heb [NP een boek [PP van Jan Arends]Agent/Theme] gekocht.
b'. Ik heb [NP een boek] [PP van Jan Arends]Source gekocht.

Affective verbs such as verbrandento burn usually require construal of the van/over-PP as an argument of the story noun. This means that an example such as (543a) can only be interpreted with the structure in (543b); the structure in (543b') is ungrammatical.

543
a. Jan heeft een boek over WO II verbrand.
  Jan has a book about WW II burned
  'Jan has burned a book about World War II.'
b. Jan heeft [NP een boek [PP over WO II]Theme] verbrand.
b'. * Jan heeft [NP een boek] [PP over WO II] verbrand.

In the following, we will again refer to PPs that are part of the noun phrase as dependent PPs, and to PPs that are external to the noun phrase and function as an argument of the verb or as a restrictive adverbial phrase as independent PPs. The overall aim is to find a way to establish the status of the van/over-PPs in the various constructions. Subsections A and B deal with constructions in which only an over-PP or a van-PP is expressed. Subsection C deals with the verbs ziento see and vertalento translate, which at first sight seem to defy classification into any of the verb types distinguished so far. Subsection D provides some concluding remarks.

[+]  A.  Story nouns + over-PPs

This subsection discusses the difference between sentences like (544a) that contain a verb of communication such as schrijvento write and sentences like (544b) that contain an affective verb such as verbrandento burn. We will show that the former are ambiguous between readings with a dependent and an independent over-PP, whereas the latter are only possible with a dependent over-PP.

544
a. Jan heeft een boek over WO II geschreven.
  Jan has a book about WW II written
  'Jan has written a book about World War II.'
b. Jan heeft een boek over WO II verbrand.
  Jan has a book about WW II burned
  'Jan has burned a book about World War II.'
[+]  1.  Scope of the ordinal numeral eerstefirst

The distinction between dependent and independent over-PPs relates to a difference in interpretation, which can be made more prominent by adding the ordinal numeral eerstefirst. Consider the ambiguous example in (545a). If the over-PP is dependent on the story noun, as in the primed example, we are not dealing with the first book Jan has ever written; it is merely the first book about World War II that he has produced. If the over-PP is independent of the noun, as in the doubly-primed example, the book in question is the very first one Jan wrote. Sentence (545b) does not allow this kind of ambiguity: the noun phrase must refer to the first book on World War II that Jan wrote or acquired (depending on the interpretation of the possessive pronoun zijn as agent or possessor).

545
a. Jani heeft zijni eerste boek over WO II geschreven.
  Jan has his first book about WW II written
  'Jan has written/wrote his first book about World War II.'
a'. Jani heeft [NP zijni-Agent eerste boek [PP over WO II]Theme] geschreven.
a''. Jani heeft [NP zijni-Agent eerste boek] [PP over WO II]Theme geschreven.
b. Jani heeft zijni eerste boek over WO II verbrand.
  Jan has his first book about WW II burned
  'Jan has burned his first book about World War II.'
b'. Jani heeft [NP zijni-Agent/Poss eerste boek [PP over WO II]Theme] verbrand.
b''. * Jani heeft [NP zijni-Agent/Poss eerste boek] [PP over WO II]Theme verbrand.
[+]  2.  Negation

Insertion of the negator nietnot can also be used to disambiguate these sentences, if we assume that negation cannot occur within the noun phrase, i.e. that it can only occur between the noun and an independent over-PP. This correctly predicts that (546a) is acceptable on the reading that the first book Jan ever wrote was not about World War II, whereas the construction in (546b) is unacceptable, since neither of the two possible structures is available.

546
a. Jani heeft zijni eerste boek niet over WO II geschreven.
  Jan has his first book not about WW II written
  'Jan did not write his first book about World War II.'
a'. * Jani heeft [NP zijni-Agent eerste boek niet over WO IITheme ] geschreven.
a''. Jani heeft [NP zijni-Agent eerste boek] niet [PP over WO II]Theme geschreven.
b. * Jani heeft zijni eerste boek niet over WO II verbrand.
  Jan has his first book not about WW II burned
b'. * Jani heeft [NP zijni-Agent/Poss eerste boek niet over WO IITheme ] verbrand.
b''. * Jani heeft [NP zijni-Agent/Poss eerste boek] niet [PP over WO II]Theme verbrand.
[+]  3.  Topicalization

Topicalization can also distinguish between the two readings. Since over-PPs can be dependent on the story noun with both verb types, it should not surprise us that it is always possible to topicalize the noun phrase and the PP as a whole. Since in Dutch only a single constituent can be placed before the verb in sentence-initial position (the constituency test), we predict that only the constructions in the singly-primed examples are acceptable. This prediction is correct: (547a) can only mean that Jan wrote his first book about the World War II in 1982, and not that this book was the first one he ever wrote.

547
a. Zijn eerste boek over WO II heeft Jan in 1982 geschreven.
  his first book about WW II has Jan in 1982 written
  'Jan wrote his first book about World War II in 1982.'
a'. [NP Zijn eerste boek [PP over WO II]Theme ]i heeft Jan ti in 1982 geschreven.
a''. * [NP Zijn eerste boek]i [PP over WO IITheme ]j heeft Jan ti tj in 1982 geschreven.
b. Zijn eerste boek over WO II heeft Jan in 1982 verbrand.
  his first book about WW II has Jan in 1982 burned
  'Jan burned his first book about World War II in 1982.'
b'. [NP Zijn eerste boek [PP over WO II]Theme]i heeft Jan ti in 1982 verbrand.
b''. * [NP Zijn eerste boek]i [PP over WO IITheme]j heeft Jan ti tj in 1982 verbrand.

It is also possible to topicalize only the story noun, i.e. to strand the PP in its original position. Here we would expect only the doubly-primed examples to yield acceptable results. The examples in (548) show that this prediction is borne out: example (548a) can only express that the book in question is the very first one that Jan wrote, and example (548b) does not allow this kind of topicalization at all, since the only structure that would allow this kind of topicalization (the doubly-primed one) is not available.

548
a. Zijn eerste boek heeft Jan over WO II geschreven.
  his first book has Jan about WW II written
  'Jan has written his first book about World War II.'
a'. * [NP Zijn eerste boek]i heeft Jan [NP ti [PP over WO II]Theme] geschreven.
a''. [NP Zijn eerste boek]i heeft Jan ti [PP over WO II]Theme geschreven.
b. * Zijn eerste boek heeft Jan over WO II verbrand.
  his first book has Jan about WW II burned
b'. * [NP Zijn eerste boek]i heeft Jan [NP ti [PP over WO II]Theme] verbrand.
b''. * [NP Zijn eerste boek]i heeft Jan ti [PP over WO II]Theme verbrand.

The examples in (549) involve topicalization of the PP, which, not surprisingly, seems to be possible only with independent over-PPs. This is clear from the fact that (549a) seems to have the interpretation associated with the independent use of the PP: it expresses that the very first book Jan wrote was about the World War II. As expected, example (549b) is degraded because the over-PP can only be interpreted as a dependent of the story noun.

549
a. Over WO II Theme heeft Jan zijn eerste boek geschreven.
  about WW II has Jan his fist book written
  'It is about World War II that Jan has written/wrote his first book.'
a'. * [PP Over WO II]i heeft Jan [NP zijn eerste boek ti] geschreven.
a''. [PP Over WO II]i heeft Jan [NP zijn eerste boek] ti geschreven.
b. * Over WO IITheme heeft Jan zijn eerste boek verbrand.
  about WW II has Jan his fist book burned
b'. * [PP Over WO II]i heeft Jan [NP zijn eerste boek ti] verbrand.
b''. * [PP Over WO II]i heeft Jan [NP zijn eerste boek] ti verbrand.

However, it should be noted that it is possible to force the reading associated with (549a'), according to which the book in question is not the first Jan wrote, but the first he wrote about World War II, by adding an adverb like pas onlangsonly recently.

550
a. Over WO IITheme heeft Jan pas onlangs zijn eerste boek geschreven.
  about WW II has Jan only recently his fist book written
  'About World War II Jan has only recently written his first book.'

A similar effect can be achieved in constructions with R-extraction. Again, the assumption would be that extraction is possible from a PP-complement of the verb, but not from a PP-complement of the noun. The preferred interpretation of (551a) is in accordance with this assumption: the question concerns the first book that Jan ever wrote. The alternative reading becomes available if we add the adverb onlangs: now the question refers to the new subject about which Jan recently wrote a book.

551
a. WaarTheme heeft Jan zijn eerste boek over geschreven?
  where has Jan his first book about written
  'What is it Jan wrote his first book about?'
b. WaarTheme heeft Jan onlangs zijn eerste boek over geschreven?
  where has Jan recently his first book about written
  'What is it Jan has recently written his first book about?'

The diverging interpretations of (550a) and (551b) can be taken as an argument for the claim that extraction from noun phrases is possible, but only at the cost of no longer being able to maintain the robust syntactic pattern established in (547) to (549). As an alternative, therefore, we can consider a non-syntactic account along the lines proposed for example (535).

[+]  B.  Story nouns + van-PPs

This subsection considers story noun constructions in which only the agentive van-PP is realized. In (552) we use the communication verb lezento read and the affective verb verbrandento burn. The primed and doubly-primed examples are the structures associated with the dependent and independent use of the van-PP, respectively. We will see that (552b) with the affective verb verbrandento burn allows only the dependent interpretation of the van-PP in (552b'); the representation in (552b'') does not occur.

552
a. Jan heeft een boek van Huizinga gelezen.
  Jan has a book of Huizinga read
  'Jan has read a book by Huizinga.'
a'. Jan heeft [NP een boek [PP van Huizinga]Agent] gelezen.
a''. Jan heeft [NP een boek] [PP van Huizinga]Adv gelezen.
b. Jan heeft een boek van Huizinga verbrand.
  Jan has a book of Huizinga burned
  'Jan has burned a book by Huizinga.'
b'. Jan heeft [NP een boek [PP van Huizinga]Agent] verbrand.
b''. * Jan heeft [NP een boek] [PP van Huizinga] verbrand.
[+]  1.  Scope of the ordinal numeral eerstefirst

The distinction between dependent and independent van-PPs relates to a difference in interpretation, which can be made more conspicuous by adding the ordinal numeral eerstefirst. Consider the ambiguous example in (553a). If the van-PP is dependent on the story noun, as in (553b), we are not dealing with the first book Jan has ever read; the sentence states that it is the first time Jan has read a book by Huizinga. If the van-PP is independent of the story noun, as in (553b'), the resulting sentence is marked, but it is still clear that the first book Jan read was written by Huizinga.

553
a. Jan heeft zijn eerste boek van Huizinga gelezen.
  Jan has his first book of Huizinga read
  'Jan (has) read his first book by Huizinga.'
b. Jan heeft [NP zijn eerste boek [PP van Huizinga]Agent] gelezen.
b'. ? Jan heeft [NP zijn eerste boek] [PP van Huizinga]Adv gelezen.

Sentence (554a) does not allow this kind of ambiguity: it allows only an interpretation associated with (554b) according to which Jan burned a book written by Huizinga for the first time (and more are likely to follow); the reading associated with (554b'), according to which the very first book that Jan ever burned was a book by Huizinga, is not available.

554
a. Jan heeft zijn eerste boek van Huizinga verbrand.
  Jan has his first book of Huizinga burned
  'Jan (has) burned his first book by/from Huizinga.'
b. Jan heeft [NP zijn eerste boek [PP van Huizinga]Agent] verbrand.
b'. * Jan heeft [NP zijn eerste boek] [PP van Huizinga]Adv verbrand.
[+]  2.  Negation

The insertion of the negator nietnot can also be used to disambiguate these sentences, on the assumption that it can only be placed between the noun and an independent van-PP. We therefore expect niet in this position in (555a) to be acceptable in the reading associated with the structures in (555b'). This expectation seems to be borne out: (555a) can only be interpreted in such a way that the book in question is the very first book about the Middle Ages that the speaker has ever read, i.e. with the van-PP as an independent constituent. Note that the use of such sentences is somewhat restricted: they are only acceptable in contrastive contexts, and omitting the theme argument will degrade the result.

555
a. Ik heb mijn eerste boek over de middeleeuwenTheme niet van HuizingaAgent gelezen, maar van PleijAgent.
  I have my first book about the Middle Ages not of Huizinga read but of Pleij
  'The first book about the Middle Ages I read was not by Huizinga but by Pleij.'
b. * Ik heb [NP mijn eerste boek over de M.E. [PP niet van Huizinga]Agent] gelezen.
b'. Ik heb [NP mijn eerste boek over de M.E.] niet [PP van Huizinga]Adv gelezen.

The assumption that the negator nietnot can only be placed between the noun and an independent van-PP also correctly predicts that (556a) is unacceptable, since only the structure with a dependent PP is available.

556
a. * Ik heb mijn eerste boek niet van Huizinga verbrand.
  I have my first book not of Huizinga burned
b. * Ik heb [NP mijn eerste boek [PP niet van Huizinga]Agent] verbrand.
b'. * Ik heb [NP mijn eerste boek] niet [PP van Huizinga]Adv verbrand.
[+]  3.  Topicalization

Topicalization can also be used to distinguish the two readings. Since van-PPs can be dependent on the story noun with both verb types, it stands to reason that it is always possible to topicalize the noun phrase and the PP as a whole. Since in Dutch only a single constituent can be placed before the verb in sentence-initial position (the constituency test), we predict that only the constructions in the singly-primed examples are acceptable. This prediction is borne out: sentence (557a) means that the speaker read his first book by Huizinga, not that this was the first book he read.

557
a. Mijn eerste boek van Huizinga heb ik gelezen.
  my first book of Huizinga have I read
  'I (have) read my first book by Huizinga.'
a'. [NP Mijn eerste boek [PP van Huizinga]Agent]i heb ik ti gelezen.
a''. * [NP Mijn eerste boek]i [PP van Huizinga Adv]j heb ik ti tj gelezen.
b. Mijn eerste boek van Huizinga heb ik verbrand.
  my first book of Huizinga have I burned
  'I (have) burned my first book by Huizinga.'
b'. [NP Mijn eerste boek [PP van Huizinga]Agent]i heb ik ti verbrand.
b''. * [NP Mijn eerste boek]i [PP van Huizinga Adv]j heb ik ti tj verbrand.

It is also possible to topicalize only the story noun, stranding the van-PP in the original position. Here we would expect only the doubly-primed examples to yield acceptable results. The instances in (558) show that this prediction comes true: (558a) can only express that the book in question is the very first one the speaker has ever read; (558b) does not allow this kind of topicalization, since the only structure that would allow this kind of topicalization (the doubly-primed one) is not available.

558
a. ? Mijn eerste boek heb ik van Huizinga gelezen.
  my first book have I of Huizinga read
  'The first book I read was by Huizinga.'
a'. * [NP Mijn eerste boek]i heb ik [NP ti [PP van Huizinga]Agent] gelezen.
a''. [NP Mijn eerste boek]i heb ik ti [PP van Huizinga]Adv gelezen.
b. * Mijn eerste boek heb ik van Huizinga verbrand.
  my first book have I of Huizinga burned
b'. * [NP Mijn eerste boek]i heb ik [NP ti [PP van Huizinga]Agent ] verbrand.
b''. * [NP Mijn eerste boek]i heb ik ti [PP van Huizinga]Adv verbrand.

The examples in (559) involve topicalization of the van-PP, which, not surprisingly, seems to be possible only with independent van-PPs. This is clear from the fact that (559a) seems to have the interpretation associated with the independent use of the PP: it expresses that the very first book the speaker read was about the Middle Ages. As expected, example (559b) is degraded because the van-PP can only be interpreted as a dependent of the story noun.

559
a. Van Huizinga heb ik mijn eerste boek gelezen.
  of Huizinga have I my first book read
  'I (have) read my first book by Huizinga.'
a'. * [PP Van HuizingaAgent]i heb ik [NP mijn eerste boek ti] gelezen.
a''. [PP Van Huizinga Adv]i heb ik [NP mijn eerste boek] ti gelezen.
b. ?? Van Huizinga heb ik mijn eerste boek verbrand.
  of Huizinga have I my first book burned
  'I (have) burned my first book by Huizinga.'
b'. ?? [Van HuizingaAgent]i heb ik [NP mijn eerste boek ti] verbrand.
b''. * [Van Huizinga Adv]i heb ik [NP mijn eerste boek] ti verbrand.

Note, however, that it is possible to force the reading associated with the structure in (559a'), according to which the book in question is not the very first one the speaker read, but the first one he read written by Huizinga, by adding an adverb like onlangsrecently.

560
a. Van Huizinga heb ik onlangs mijn eerste boek gelezen.
  of Huizinga have I recently my first book read
  'I (have) recently read my first book by Huizinga.'
b. [PP Van HuizingaAgent]i heb ik onlangs [NP mijn eerste boek ti] gelezen.
b'. [PP Van Huizinga Adv]i heb ik onlangs [NP mijn eerste boek] ti gelezen.

The interpretational ambiguity of (560a) can be construed as an argument for the claim that extraction from noun phrases is possible, but only at the cost of no longer being able to maintain the robust syntactic pattern established in (557) to (559). We may need to consider a non-syntactic account along the lines proposed for example (535).

[+]  C.  Story nouns with verbs like ziento see and vertalento translate

Constructions with (non-affective) verbs like ziento see and vertalento translate are the subject of this subsection. We want to examine whether there are reasons to assume that these can also be combined with an independent over or van-PP. Although the doubly-primed structures in (561) seem to be excluded on the whole, it seems impossible to deem them completely ungrammatical.

561
a. Ik heb een film over Nixon gezien.
  I have a film about Nixon seen
  'I have seen a film about Nixon.'
a'. Ik heb [een film [over Nixon]Theme] gezien.
a''. Ik heb [een film] [over Nixon]Adv gezien.
b. Ik heb een boek van Huizinga vertaald.
  I have a book of Huizinga translated
  'I have translated a book by Huizinga.'
b'. Ik heb [een boek [van Huizinga]Agent] vertaald.
b''. Ik heb [een boek] [van Huizinga]Adv vertaald.

A first reason for rejecting the doubly-primed structures is that adding the ordinal numeral eerste does not create the by now-familiar scope ambiguity. The most plausible interpretation of example (562a) is that the speaker has seen a film about Nixon for the first time, or, alternatively, that he watched the first film about Nixon that he has ever bought; in both cases we are dealing with a theme argument of the noun. Something similar holds for the construction in example (562b): the book in question is not the first one the speaker has ever translated into English, but it is the first one written by Huizinga.

562
a. Ik heb mijn eerste film over Nixon gezien.
  I have my first film about Nixon seen
  'I have seen my first film about Nixon.'
a'. Ik heb [mijn eerste film [over Nixon]Theme] gezien.
a''. *? Ik heb [mijn eerste film] [over Nixon]Adv gezien.
b. Ik heb mijn eerste boek van Huizinga vertaald (in het Engels).
  I have my first book of Huizinga translated into the English
  'I have translated my first book by Huizinga (into English).'
b'. Ik heb [mijn eerste boek [van Huizinga]Agent] vertaald.
b''. * Ik heb [mijn eerste boek] [van Huizinga]Adv vertaald.

On the basis of these facts, we expect that placing the negator niet between the story noun and the van/over-PP will yield an unacceptable result. The examples in (563) show that this expectation is borne out: both sentences are semantically ill-formed.

563
a. * Ik heb een film niet over NixonTheme gezien (maar over JFK).
  I have a film not about Nixon seen but about JFK
b. * Ik heb een boek niet van HuizingaAgent vertaald (maar van Pleij).
  I have a book not of Huizinga translated but of Pleij

Topicalization, on the other hand, provides more equivocal evidence. The fact illustrated in (564a) and (565a) that topicalization of the whole noun phrase is possible confirms that the primed structures in (562) are available. However, the evidence for the claim that the doubly-primed structures are ungrammatical is less strong: it is supported by the fact illustrated in the (b)-examples that topicalization of the noun phrase in isolation is impossible, but it is contradicted by the fact illustrated in the (c)-examples that topicalization of the PP in isolation is allowed.

564
a. Mijn eerste film over Nixon heb ik pas gisteren gezien.
  my first film about Nixon have I only yesterday seen
b. * Mijn eerste film heb ik over NixonTheme gezien (niet over JFK).
  my first film have I about Nixon seen not about JFK
c. Over Nixon heb ik pas gisteren mijn eerste film gezien.
  about Nixon have I only yesterday my first film seen
565
a. Mijn eerste boek van HuizingaAgent heb ik in 1998 vertaald.
  my first book of Huizinga have I in 1998 translated
b. * Mijn eerste boek heb ik van HuizingaAgent vertaald (niet van Pleij).
  my first book have I of Huizinga translated not of Pleij
c. Van HuizingaAgent heb ik mijn eerste boek in 1998 vertaald.
  of Huizinga have I my first book in 1998 translated

Note that, as in the case of picture nouns, the results of the negation and topicalization tests change when we use a determiner like zo’nsuch a or een dergelijkea similar; cf. Subsection IB.

566
a. Ik heb zo’n/een dergelijke film niet over Nixon gezien.
  I have such a/a similar film not about Nixon read
  'I have not seen such a/a similar film about Nixon.'
b. Zo’n/Een dergelijke film heb ik ook over Nixon gezien.
  such a/a similar film have I also about Nixon seen
c. Over Nixon heb ik ook zo’n/een dergelijke film gezien.
  about Nixon have I also such a/a similar film seen
567
a. Ik heb zo’n/een dergelijke boek niet van Huizinga gelezen.
  I have such a/a similar book not of Huizinga read
  'Such a/A similar book I have read not by/of Huizinga.'
b. Zo’n/Een dergelijke boek heb ik ook van Huizinga gelezen.
  such a/a similar book have I also of Huizinga read
c. Van Huizinga heb ik ook zo’n/een dergelijke boek gelezen.
  of Huizinga have I also such a/a similar book read

All this shows that it is not impossible for a restrictive over/van-PP to co-occur with the main verb ziento see or vertalento translate, as in the representations in the doubly-primed structures in (561). Consequently, it seems premature to use the acceptability of (564c) and (565c) as an argument for claiming that extraction of dependent van/over-PPs from a noun phrase headed by a picture noun is possible.

[+]  D.  Conclusion

This subsection has made clear that verbs can differ in whether they are compatible with the presence of an independent (adverbial) van/over-PP. We have seen that the communication verb lezento read can co-occur with an independent van/over-PP, while the affective verb verbrandento burn cannot. The emerging generalization seems to be that topicalized van/over-PPs are independent of the story noun, i.e. that extraction of a dependent van/over-PP from the noun phrase is excluded. If this is the case, this dismisses the PP-extraction test as a valid means of distinguishing between complements and adjuncts within the noun phrase. However, since we have also seen a number of possible counterexamples to this generalization in sentences with non-affective verbs like ziento see and vertalento translate, we cannot reject this test with complete confidence. We will therefore include it in our discussion in Section 16.2.5.6.

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