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21.2.3.Distribution of noun phrases quantified by heel ‘all/whole’
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This section looks at the syntactic distribution of noun phrases containing one of the variants of heel examined in Section 21.2.2. For each of the uses of heel we will consider whether the relevant noun phrases occur as arguments (subject, direct object, indirect object, complement of a preposition), as predicates and/or as adjuncts.

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[+]  I.  Distribution as arguments

In discussing the external syntactic distribution of heel phrases, a distinction must be made between the different semantic readings of heel. It turns out that heel phrases generally occur in all argument positions, although a special proviso is needed in the case of the negative polarity reading. Heel phrases, with the notable exception of those with negative polar heel, can generally also be used as predicates or adjuncts. The possibilities are listed in Table 18; the numbers refer to the examples discussed in the following subsections. Negative polarity readings of pre and postdeterminer heel are treated on a par in the following, although the latter is clearly preferred in this function, hence the distinction made in the last column of the table.

Table 18: Distribution of heel phrases as arguments, predicates and adjuncts
pre-D heel
(Q reading)
post-D heel heel/hele
(NPI)
adjectival totality degree
subject ✓(316a) ✓(316b) ✓(316c) ✓(316d) ?/✓(317c-e)
direct object ✓(318a) ✓(318b) ✓(318c) ✓(318d) ?/✓(318e)
indirect object ✓(319a) ✓(319b) ✓(319c) ✓(319d) ?/✓(319e)
complement of PP ✓(320a) ✓(320b) ✓(320c) ✓(320d) ? (320e)
predicate ✓(321a) ✓(321b) ✓(321c) ✓(321d) * (321e)
adjunct ✓(322a) ✓(323a) ✓(322b) ✓(322c) * (326)
[+]  A.  Subject

Example (316a) shows that the core reading of bare heel phrases (“exhaustive partitioning of structured units”) is readily available in subject position. The adjectival, totality and degree readings of postdeterminer inflectible heel in (316b&c) are also readily available in subject position.

316
a. Heel de appel zit vol wormen.
Q reading
  all the apple sits full [of] worms
  'The entire apple is full of worms.'
b. Een hele appel is beter dan een halve.
adjectival reading
  a whole apple is better than a half
  'A whole apple is better than a half an apple.'
c. De hele appel zit vol wormen.
totality reading
  the whole apple sits full [of] worms
  'The entire apple is full of worms.'
d. Er lag een hele berg appels op de tafel.
degree reading
  there lay a whole mountain [of] apples on the table
  'There was quite a pile of apples on the table.'

The availability of the negative polarity interpretation depends on the type of verb. If the verb is intransitive or transitive, i.e. if the phrase with heel is an underlying subject, this reading is not available; cf. (317a&b). However, if it is a passive or unaccusative verb, i.e. a verb with a DO-subject, the negative polarity interpretation is possible; cf. (317c-e) and also the discussion in Section 21.2.1.2, sub IIC. The question mark preceding predeterminer bare heel is to indicate that it is less preferred on the negative polarity reading than postdeterminer inflectible heel.

317
a. * Heel die/Die hele vent werkt niet.
  all that/that whole guy works not
b. * Heel die/Die hele vent heeft dat boek niet gelezen.
  all that/that whole guy has that book not read
c. Dat hele/?Heel dat artikel is door iedereen al vergeten.
  that whole/all that article is by everyone already forgotten
d. Dat hele/?Heel dat artikel was toen nog niet verschenen.
  that whole/all that article was then yet not appeared
e. Dat hele/?Heel dat toneelstuk kan me echt niet bekoren.
  that whole/all that play can me really not please

We will see in the following subsection that DO-subjects behave like objects. This means that, in technical terms, the contrast between (317a&b) and (317c-e) can be explained by assuming that the negative polarity item heel must be c-commanded by its licenser (the negation) at some stage in the derivation.

[+]  B.  Direct and indirect object

For direct and indirect objects, acceptable examples can be construed for all the different uses of heel. This is illustrated for direct objects in (318). The question mark preceding predeterminer bare heel in (318e) again indicates that the example with postdeterminer inflectible heel is preferred on the negative polarity reading.

318
a. Ik heb heel de appel opgegeten.
Q reading
  I have all the apple prt.-eaten
  'I ate the entire apple.'
b. Ik wil graag een hele appel.
adjectival reading
  I want please a whole apple
  'I would like to have a whole apple, please.'
c. Ik heb de hele appel opgegeten.
totality reading
  I have the whole apple prt.-eaten
  'I ate the entire apple.'
d. Ik heb een hele berg appels gegeten.
degree reading
  I have a whole mountain [of] apples eaten
  'I ate a whole pile of apples.'
e. Ik ken die hele/?heel die vent niet.
NPI
  I know that whole/all that guy not
  'I do not know that guy at all.'

The examples in (319) give comparable sentences with heel phrases functioning as indirect objects. Example (319a), previously given as (173a), should be seen in the light of the discussion of the role of distributivity in Section 21.2.1.1; cf. also the discussion of the contrast between the examples in (174a) and (195a).

319
a. Ik heb heel het huis een opknapbeurt gegeven.
Q reading
  I have all the house a refurbishment given
  'I gave the entire house a facelift.'
b. Ik geef een hele appel de voorkeur boven een halve.
adjectival reading
  I give a whole apple the preference over a half
  'I prefer a whole apple to a half one.'
c. Ik heb het hele huis een opknapbeurt gegeven.
totality reading
  I have the whole house a refurbishment given
  'I gave the entire house a facelift.'
d. Ik heb hele horden mensen een hand gegeven.
degree reading
  I have whole hordes [of] people a hand given
  'I shook hands with immense hordes of people.'
e. Ik zou die hele/?heel die vent niet eens een hand willen geven.
NPI
  I would that whole/all that guy not even a hand want give
  'I would not even want to shake hands with that guy.'
[+]  C.  Complement of preposition

For the complement of a preposition, acceptable examples can again be easily construed for most uses of heel; the negative polarity reading in (320e) is somewhat marked compared to those in (318e) and (319e), but this may be a more general property of (some) Dutch negative polarity items. Example (320a), formerly (173b), again ties in with the discussion of the role of distributivity in Section 21.2.1.1; cf. also the discussion of the contrast between the examples in (174b) and (195b).

320
a. We kijken naar heel de mens.
Q reading
  we look at all the person
  'We look at the whole person.'
b. Ik geef aan een hele appel de voorkeur.
adjectival reading
  I give to a whole apple the preference
  'I prefer a whole apple.'
c. Holistische geneeskunde kijkt naar de hele mens.
totality reading
  holistic healing looks at the whole person
d. Ik heb met hele horden mensen staan praten.
degree reading
  I have with whole hordes [of] people stand talk
  'I stood talking with whole hordes of people.'
e. ? Ik zou met die hele/heel die vent nog geen seconde willen praten.
NPI
  I would with that whole/all that guy prt no second want talk
  'I would not even want to talk to that guy for a second.'
[+]  II.  Distribution as predicates

The examples in (321) show that all heel phrases can be used as nominal predicates except those involving heel as a negative polarity item expressing condescension.

321
a. Wij zijn samen heel de vakgroep.
Q reading
  we are together all the department
b. Deze appel is een hele appel.
adjectival reading
  this apple is a whole apple
c. Wij zijn samen de hele vakgroep.
totality reading
  we are together the whole department
d. Wij zijn samen een hele horde mensen.
degree reading
  we are together a whole horde [of] people
e. * Hij is toch niet heel die/die hele vent van hiernaast, hè?
NPI
  he is prt not all that/that whole guy of next.door tag

The unacceptability of (321e) is entirely due to the presence of heel/hele; without it, the sentence is perfect. Since the problem with this example is clearly not due to the absence of a c-commanding licenser (as in the subject cases in (317a&b)), there must be some other reason for the unacceptability of (321e). One plausible option would be to attribute it to the fact that predicates usually provide new information, which implies that (321e) violates the D-linking requirement on the negative polarity reading of heel-phrases; cf. Section 21.2.1.2, sub IIC.

[+]  III.  Distribution as adjuncts

Both predeterminer bare heel and postdeterminer inflectible heel occur in noun phrases that function as adverbial phrases. In (322a&b) heel and hele contribute their core quantificational semantics of exhaustivity/totality. In (322c), on the other hand, the semantics of hele is that of (very) high degree; she cried for a very long time. The difference between (322a&b) and (322c) is confirmed by the different intonation patterns they exhibit; cf. the discussion in Section 21.2.1.2, sub II.

322
a. Heel de dag/tijd zat ze te huilen.
  all the day/time sat she to cry
a'. [HEEL de dag]/*[heel de DAG]
b. De hele dag/tijd zat ze te huilen.
  the whole day/time sat she to cry
  'She was crying all day/all the time.'
b'. [de HEle dag]/*[de hele DAG]
c. Hele dagen zat ze te huilen.
  whole days sat she to cry
  'She cried for days.'
c'. [hele DAgen]/*[HEle dagen]

However, the unacceptable intonation pattern of (322c) is not categorically impossible for hele dagen. The minimal pair in (323a&b) is instructive in this regard. While in the (a)-example the adjunct hele dagen specifies the extent of the entire duration of her work on her dissertation, in the (b)-example hele dagen expresses that she worked on her dissertation for an unspecified number of whole days (i.e. it specifies the amount of time per day that she worked on her dissertation). In its stressed form, hele is adjectival, as can be seen from the fact that hele dagen alternates with halve dagen, as shown in (323c).

323
a. Ze werkte hele DAgen aan haar proefschrift.
  she worked whole days on her dissertation
  'She was working on her dissertation for days (at a stretch).'
b. Ze werkte HEle dagen aan haar proefschrift.
  she worked whole days on her dissertation
  'She worked full-time (whole days) on her dissertation.'
c. Ik werk HEle dagen, maar hij werkt HALve dagen.
  I work whole days but he works half days
  'I work full-time, but he works part-time.'

In (322a&b) the adjunct reading of the heel phrases is available for both pre and postdeterminer heel; the syntax of the overall construction actually makes adjunct construal the only possibility for these heel phrases. In examples of the type in (324), on the other hand, the noun phrase following the verb allows two readings; it can be interpreted either as the object of the verb, in which case the examples can be paraphrased as “she played the entire concert”, or as an adjunct, in which case it can be paraphrased as “she whistled throughout the concert”; cf. Section 22.3 for further discussion.

324
a. Ze floot heel het concert.
  she whistled/played the flute all the concert
  Object reading: 'She played the whole concert.'
  Adjunct reading: 'She whistled during the whole concert.'
b. Ze floot het hele concert.
  she whistled/played the flute the whole concert
  Object reading: 'She played the whole concert.'
  Adjunct reading: 'She whistled during the whole concert.'

The adjunct construal may not be equally successful in the two examples in (324), because some (but not all) speakers find that the object reading is strongly preferred in the case of (324a), while (324b) is ambiguous. This suggests that, at least for a subset of speakers, the adverbial reading of heel phrases with predeterminer bare heel may be restricted.

The discussion above has focused on the interpretation of heel phrases as temporal adverbial phrases. This is indeed by far the most common way in which heel phrases are used as adjuncts; the examples in (325) show that even heel phrases headed by a noun that can otherwise be used as a measure phrase for distance can receive a temporal interpretation, i.e. “during the trip from Amsterdam to Tilburg”.

325
a. Zij zat heel de afstand van Amsterdam naar Tilburg te fluiten.
  she sat all the distance from Amsterdam to Tilburg to whistle
b. Zij zat de hele afstand van Amsterdam naar Tilburg te fluiten.
  she sat the whole distance from Amsterdam to Tilburg to whistle
  'All the way from Amsterdam to Tilburg she was whistling.'

Although we have seen that predeterminer and postdeterminer heel can easily be used in adjuncts, they cannot be interpreted as a negative polarity item expressing condescension; although (326) is perfectly acceptable with an exhaustivity/totality reading of heel/hele, the negative polarity reading is not available.

326
Ik werkte (heel) die/die (hele) dag niet eens!
  I worked all that/that whole day not even
'I didnʼt even work that day!'
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