- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Nouns and noun phrases (JANUARI 2025)
- 15 Characterization and classification
- 16 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. General observations
- 16.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 16.3. Clausal complements
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 17.2. Premodification
- 17.3. Postmodification
- 17.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 17.3.2. Relative clauses
- 17.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 17.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 17.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 17.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 17.4. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 18.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Articles
- 19.2. Pronouns
- 19.3. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Numerals and quantifiers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. Numerals
- 20.2. Quantifiers
- 20.2.1. Introduction
- 20.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 20.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 20.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 20.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 20.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 20.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 20.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 20.5. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Predeterminers
- 21.0. Introduction
- 21.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 21.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 21.3. A note on focus particles
- 21.4. Bibliographical notes
- 22 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 23 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Syntax
-
- General
This section is divided into four parts. Subsection I focuses on adverbially used definite noun phrases, and also refers to some more general properties of adverbially used noun phrases. Subsections II and III continue with a discussion of indefinite and quantified noun phrases, respectively. Subsection IV considers noun phrases whose nominal head is a name for a conventional unit of time, like a day of the week, a month of the year, etc.
For a noun phrase to be usable as an adverbial phrase of time, the nominal head must be construed as denoting a certain time interval or a certain point on the time axis. This is, of course, typically the case with nouns that denote certain conventional time periods, like dagday, ochtendmorning, maandmonth, etc. However, nouns that denote certain durative events, like wedstrijdmatch or lezinglecture, can also be used in this way. We will first look at examples in which the adverbially used noun phrase refers to a specific time interval, followed by a discussion of examples in which it refers to a specific point in time. This subsection concludes with a discussion of some differences between noun phrases used as time adjuncts and noun phrases used as arguments.
Example (147) gives some examples in which the adverbially used noun phrase refers to a certain time interval. Note that the noun phrases are all obligatorily modified by a quantifier-like element like heelwhole, halfhalf and godgansewhole blessed; omitting these modifiers generally results in marginalization or unacceptability.
a. | Jan | bleef | de ??(hele) morgen | thuis. | |
Jan | stayed | the whole morning | home | ||
'Jan stayed at home the entire morning.' |
b. | Marie | zat | de *(halve) lezing | te gapen. | |
Marie | sat | the half lecture | to yawn | ||
'Mary was yawning half of the lecture.' |
c. | Jan | zit | de *(godganse) dag | te kletsen. | |
Jan | sits | the whole blessed day | to chatter | ||
'Jan is constantly chattering all blessed day.' |
d. | Hij | heeft | zijn *(hele) leven | in Amsterdam gewoond. | |
he | has | his whole life | in Amsterdam lived | ||
'He has always lived in Amsterdam.' |
Example (148) provides some examples in which the adverbially used noun phrase refers to a specific time interval. These noun phrases typically contain a modifier that clarifies the position of the referent of the noun phrase on the time axis.
a. | Marie kwam | de volgende ochtend/dag | weer | thuis. | |
Marie came | the next morning/day | again | home | ||
'Marie came home again the next morning.' |
b. | Marie | was | de week voor Pasen | nog | in Frankrijk. | |
Marie | was | the day before Easter | still | in France | ||
'Marie was the week before Easter still in France.' |
c. | Ik | ben | de volgende les | weer | aanwezig. | |
I | am | the next lesson | again | present | ||
'I will be present again for the next lesson.' |
Unlike adverbial noun phrases that refer to a time interval, noun phrases that refer to a specific point in time can omit the modifier if there is another way to express their function, e.g. by using a demonstrative pronoun instead of a definite article.
a. | Marie kwam | die/*de ochtend | weer | thuis. | |
Marie came | that/the morning | again | home |
b. | Marie | was | die/*de week | nog | in Frankrijk. | |
Marie | was | that/the week | still | in France |
c. | Ik | ben | die/*de les | weer | aanwezig. | |
I | am | that/the lesson | again | present |
Using a demonstrative can also save unacceptable examples such as (147a) without the modifier, but at the expense of their durative reading: in an example such as Jan bleef die morgen thuisJan stayed at home that morning, the adverbial phrase refers to a specific point on the time axis, not to a time interval.
Since the adverbial phrase has the form of a regular noun phrase, it can easily be confused with a direct object. In example (150a), the noun phrase can only be used as an adverbial phrase because it does not satisfy the selection restrictions of the main verb: de hele dag does not refer to a danceable entity. Nevertheless, at first glance this example is very similar to example (150b), in which the noun phrase de hele dag does function as the direct object of the main verb verprutsento botch/spoil.
a. | Jan danste | de *(hele/halve/godganse) avond. | adjunct | |
Jan danced | the entire/half/whole blessed night |
b. | Jan verprutste | de *(hele/halve/godganse) avond. | argument | |
Jan wasted | the entire/half/whole blessed night |
However, there are several differences between these examples, all related to the fact that de hele avond functions as an adjunct in (150a), but as an object in (150b). A first difference, illustrated by (151), is that the noun phrase is optional in (150a), whereas it must be realized in (150b). A second difference, also illustrated by these examples, is that (150a) can be paraphrased by using the en doet dat-test, whereas (150b) cannot; cf. adverbial tests.
a. | Jan danste | (en | hij | deed | dat | de hele/halve/godganse avond). | |
Jan danced | and | he | did | that | the whole/half/god.blessed night |
b. | * | Jan verprutste | (en | hij | deed | dat | de hele/halve/godganse avond). |
Jan wasted | and | he | did | that | the whole/half/god.blessed night |
A third difference is that the adjunct can be replaced by the time adverb toen, but not by the personal pronoun hem, while the reverse is true for the nominal argument.
a. | Jan danste | toen/*hem. | |
Jan danced | then/him |
b. | Jan verprutste | hem/*toen. | |
Jan wasted | it/then |
Finally, the examples in (153) show that passivization of (150a) leads to an impersonal passive, whereas passivization of (150b) results in the promotion of the noun phrase to subject.
a. | Er | werd | de hele/halve/godganse avond | gedanst. | |
there | was | the entire/half/god blessed night | danced |
b. | De hele/halve/godganse avond | werd | verprutst. | |
the entire/half/god blessed night | was | wasted |
An example such as (154a) is genuinely ambiguous between the two readings. The verb spelento play can be used transitively as in een etude spelento play/perform an etude or as an intransitive verb as in (met poppen\`1 spelento play (with dolls). In the active construction in (154a) the verb can be interpreted in either way. If the noun phrase is omitted or the sentence is paraphrased by the en doet dat-test, as in (154b), only the intransitive reading survives. The passive construction can also be used to disambiguate the sentence: if the passive construction is impersonal, as in (154c), we are dealing with intransitive spelen; if the noun phrase is promoted to subject, as in (154c'), we are dealing with transitive spelen.
a. | Jan speelde | het hele concert. | |
Jan played | the whole concerto/concert | ||
'Jan played the whole concerto' or 'Jan played during the whole concert' |
b. | Jan | speelde | (en hij deed dat het hele concert). | |
Jan | played | and he did that the whole concert |
c. | Er | werd | het hele concert | gespeeld. | |
there | was | the whole concert | played |
c'. | Het hele concert | werd | gespeeld. | |
the whole concerto | was | played |
In this specific case, the addition of an instrumental PP can also have a disambiguating effect, since the referent of the complement of the preposition met may can clarify which use of spelen is intended: in Jan speelde het hele concert met zijn poppenJan played with his dolls during the whole concert, the verb is clearly used intransitively. Verbs with a similar ambiguity as spelen are zingensing and fluitento whistle/to play the flute.
Indefinite noun phrases usually refer to some time interval, as in (155). In these cases, the noun typically denotes a conventional time unit, like uurhour, dagday, maandmonth, etc. Often these nouns appear in their diminutive form.
a. | Hij | komt | een uurtje/?uur | op visite. | |
he | comes | an hourdim/hour | on visit |
b. | Hij | is een jaartje/jaar | in Frankrijk | geweest. | |
he | is a yeardim/year | in France | been |
Indefinite noun phrases with a cardinal numeral or a quantifier such as enkelesome/several can also be used to refer to a time interval. In such cases, the noun usually denotes a conventional time interval. Some examples are given in (156). Note that the noun sometimes appears in its singular form even when preceded by a cardinal numeral; cf. Section 20.1.1.4, sub B2, for discussion.
a. | Hij | is drie weken | op vakantie | geweest. | |
he | is three weeks | on vacation | been | ||
'He has been on vacation for three weeks.' |
b. | Hij | heeft | drie uur/?uren | liggen | slapen. | |
he | has | three hours | lie | sleep | ||
'He has been sleeping for three hours.' |
c. | Hij | heeft | enkele uren | vastgezeten | in de lift. | |
he | has | some hours | sat.stuck | in the elevator | ||
'He has been stuck in the elevator for some hours.' |
The adverbial phrases in the examples in (156) refer to a continuous period of time, but there are also examples with a frequency reading. In this reading, the noun usually denotes a relatively short time unit. Some nouns that typically appear as the head of a noun phrase used as a frequency adverb are ochtendmorning, middagafternoon, avondnight, but not weekweek or maandmonth. Consider the examples in (157); in an example such as (157a), the noun phrase drie avondenthree nights refers to three separate points in time, whereas twee wekentwo weeks in (157b) would normally be interpreted as referring to a continuous time interval.
a. | Ik | heb | deze week | drie avonden | gedanst. | |
I | have | this week | three nights | danced | ||
'This week I have danced three nights.' |
b. | Ik | heb | deze maand | twee weken | gewandeld.’ | |
I | have | this month | two weeks | walked | ||
'This month I have walked for two weeks.' |
In addition to nouns denoting a conventional time unit, nouns like keer or maaltime in (158a) are typically used in these contexts: note that these nouns usually take the singular form when preceded by a cardinal numeral, but the plural form when preceded by a quantifier like enkeleseveral. Occasionally one can also find examples such as (158b), where the noun phrase refers to a series of durative events.
a. | Ik | heb | deze maand | drie keer/enkele keren | gewandeld.’ | |
I | have | this month | three time/several times | walked | ||
'This month I have walked three/several times.' |
b. | Jan is drie lessen | afwezig | geweest. | |
Jan is three lessons | absent | been | ||
'Jan has been absent at three lessons.' |
In the frequency reading there seems to be no restriction on the quantifier in the noun phrase; while the universal quantifiers alleall and elkeeach and the quantifier sommigesome are not possible in noun phrases referring to a time interval, they can occur in noun phrases used as adverbial phrases of frequency.
a. | Ik | heb | deze week | alle avonden | gedanst. | |
I | have | this week | all nights | danced | ||
'This week I have danced all nights.' |
b. | Ik | heb | deze week | elke avond | gedanst. | |
I | have | this week | all nights | danced | ||
'This week I have danced every night.' |
c. | Ik | heb | deze week | sommige avonden | gedanst. | |
I | have | this week | some nights | danced | ||
'This week I have danced some nights.' |
Noun phrases headed by the names of days, months, seasons, and other conventionally distinguished time units can be used as adverbial phrases. However, there is a rather complicated system that determines whether these nouns can or must be accompanied by a determiner. In addition, the names of some of these time units can occur in genitive noun phrases; some examples are given in (160).
a. | names of days: ’s maandags ‘on Monday(s)’, dinsdags ‘on Tuesday(s)’, ’s woensdags, donderdags, vrijdags, ’s zaterdags, ’s zondags |
b. | seasons: ’s zomers ‘in the summer’, ’s winters ‘in the winter’, *’s herfts, *’s lentes |
c. | other conventional time units: ’s morgens ‘in the morning’, ’s middags ‘in the afternoon’, ’s avonds ‘in the evening’, ’s nachts ‘at night’, etc. |
The nouns in these genitive phrases are generally preceded by the reduced form of the genitive article desthe and inflected with the genitive ending -s. Since modern Dutch does not use case-inflected forms of the noun and the determiner, the forms in (160) must be considered lexicalized. This is also supported by the fact that the genitive article ʼs is missing in dinsdags, donderdags and vrijdags, and that the nouns herfstfall and lentespring do not have these genitive counterparts.
Noun phrases headed by the name of a day can easily be used as adverbial phrases. If preceded by a determiner, they refer to a time interval: such adverbial noun phrases are preferably modified by a quantifier such as heelwhole, as in (161).
Jan heeft | de hele maandag | gewandeld. | ||
Jan has | the whole Monday | walked | ||
'Jan has walked all Monday.' |
If the noun phrases are not preceded by a determiner, they refer to a specific point in time, which can either precede or follow the speech time. The actual interpretation of maandagMonday in (161) depends on the tense of the modified clause and can be made explicit by adding a modifier like afgelopenlast or komendenext.
a. | (Afgelopen) maandag | was | ik | in Antwerpen. | |
last Monday | was | I | in Antwerp | ||
'Last Monday, I was in Antwerp.' |
b. | (Komende) maandag | ben | ik | in Antwerpen. | |
next Monday | am | I | in Antwerp | ||
'Next Monday, I will be in Antwerp.' |
The genitive form can also be used to refer to a specific point in time. The difference between the adverbial phrase maandag in (162) and ’s maandags in (163a) is that the former refers to the Monday immediately preceding or following the speech time, whereas the latter refers to a particular Monday within a contextually determined span of time, e.g. the Monday during the Easter weekend; using this genitive form to refer to the Monday immediately preceding or following the speech time leads to an unacceptable result. The genitive form is also very common as a frequency adverb; example (163b) shows that in this use the genitive form alternates with the adverbial PP op maandag.
a. | ʼs Maandags | heb | ik | lekker | gewandeld. | |
on Monday | have | I | nicely | walked | ||
'On Monday I took a nice walk.' |
b. | ʼs Maandags/Op maandag | ga | ik | vaak | naar de film. | |
on Mondays | go | I | often | to the movies | ||
'On Mondays, I often go to the movies.' |
Reference to a more distant Monday that is not contextually determined is possible by using a postnominal PP-modifier, as in (164). Such cases differ from those in (162) in that a determiner must be used.
We | komen | *(de) zondag | voor/na Pasen | bij je | op bezoek. | ||
we | come | the Sunday | before/after Easter | at you | on visit | ||
'We will come and visit you the Sunday after Easter.' |
Noun phrases containing the names of months can also be used adverbially. They then refer to a certain time interval and are usually modified by a quantifier such as heelwhole, as in (165a). The use of the modifier halfhalf, as in (165b), leads to ambiguity: it can express that the proposition is true around the 15th of April, or (marginally for some speakers) that it is true for a large part of the month. In the former usage it has a similar function as the numeral in (165c), although in this case the adverbial phrase is preferably realized as a PP headed by opat.
a. | Jan is *(heel) april | in de Verenigde Staten. | |
Jan is whole April | in the United States | ||
'Jan will be in the US during April.' |
b. | Jan is half april | in de Verenigde Staten. | |
Jan is half April | in the United States | ||
'Jan will be in the US during a large part of April/around April 15th.' |
c. | Jan is (op) 13 april | in de Verenigde Staten. | |
Jan is at 13 April | in the United States | ||
'Jan will be in the US on April 13th.' |
Noun phrases headed by the names of months are not used to refer to a specific point in time, nor do the names of months appear in genitive phrases. Instead, a PP is used, headed by the temporal preposition in: in januariin January. Note that the names of months are not usually preceded by a determiner.
Noun phrases headed by the name of a season can be used adverbially to refer to a certain time interval, as in (166a). Unlike names of months, names of seasons must then be preceded by a determiner. Usually a modifier such as heelwhole is present. When used to refer to a certain position on the time axis, the noun phrase optionally contains a determiner, as shown in (166b). A modifier like komende is required unless the determiner is a demonstrative, as shown in (166c).
a. | Ik | ben | *(de) hele lente/zomer/herfst/winter | in de Verenigde Staten. | |
I | am | the whole spring/summer /fall/winter | in the United States |
b. | Ik | ga | (de) | komende | lente/zomer/herfst/winter | niet | op vakantie. | |
I | go | the | next | spring/summer /fall/winter | not | on vacation | ||
'I will not go on vacation next spring/summer /fall/winter.' |
c. | Ik | ga | deze/*de winter | niet | op vakantie. | |
I | go | this/the winter | not | on vacation | ||
'I will not go on vacation this (coming) winter.' |
The use of the genitive form to refer to a particular season within a contextually determined period of time is not entirely natural: using (167a) to refer to, say, the winter of 1981 seems forced. However, it is very common to use the genitive form as an adverbial phrase of frequency, as in (167b). In this use, the genitive form alternates with the PP in de winterin winter; this option is, of course, the only one available for the nouns lentespring and herfstfall, since these have no genitive form.
a. | # | Ik | heb | ʼs winters | heerlijk | gewandeld. |
I | have | in winter | nicely | walked |
b. | ʼs Winters | is het | hier | erg koud. | |
in winter | is it | here | very cold | ||
'In winter, it is very cold here.' |
c. | In de lente | is het | hier | erg mooi. | |
in the spring | is it | here | very beautiful | ||
'In spring, it is very beautiful here.' |
Other conventional time units are expressed by nouns like weekendweekend, dagday, weekweek, ochtendmorning or avondnight. When a noun phrase headed by these nouns refers to a time interval, as in the (a)-examples in (168) and (169), it is preceded by a determiner and a modifier such as heelwhole is required. When the noun phrase is used to refer to a specific point on the time axis, as in the (b)-examples, the determiner can often be omitted. The (c)-examples show that the use of a modifier is preferred in the case of an article. When the noun phrase contains a PP-modifier, as in the (d)-examples, the determiner is obligatory.
a. | Ik | ben | *(het) hele weekend | in Antwerpen. | |
I | am | the whole weekend | in Antwerp |
b. | Ik | was | het vorige weekend/vorig weekend | in Antwerpen. | |
I | was | the last weekend/last weekend | in Antwerp |
c. | Ik | ben | dat/?het weekend | in Antwerpen. | |
I | am | that/the weekend | in Antwerp |
d. | Ik | kom | het weekend | voor/na Pasen | bij je | op bezoek. | |
I | come | the weekend | before/after Easter | at you | on visit | ||
'I come to visit you the weekend before/after Easter.' |
a. | Ik | ben | *(de) hele dag/avond | thuis. | |
I | am | the whole day/evening | home |
b. | Hij | komt | ?(de) komende dag/avond | weer | thuis. | |
he | comes | the next day/evening | again | home |
c. | Hij | komt | die/*de dag/avond | weer | thuis. | |
he | comes | that/the day/evening | again | home |
d. | Ik | kom | de dag | voor/na Pasen | bij je | op bezoek. | |
I | come | the day | before/after Easter | at you | on visit | ||
'I come to visit you the day before/after Easter.' |
Note, however, that the omission of the determiner in (169b) is somewhat marginal. It may be that the use of the bare noun phrases komende dag and komende avond is blocked by the existence of the lexical forms morgentomorrow and morgenavondtomorrow night. This is supported by the fact that noun phrases like vorige/afgelopen weeklast/the past week or volgende maandnext month, for which no such lexical items exist, are perfectly acceptable without the determiner: in fact, the determiner cannot be used in these cases.
a. | Ik | was (*de) | vorige/afgelopen | week/maand | in Amsterdam. | |
I | was the | last/past | week/month | in Amsterdam | ||
'I was in Amsterdam last/the past week/month.' |
b. | Ik | ga | (*de) | volgende | week/maand | naar Amsterdam. | |
I | go | the | next | week/month | to Amsterdam | ||
'I go to Amsterdam next week/month.' |
Nouns that denote specific parts of the day can also be combined with the reduced genitive article: ’s morgenin the morning(s), ’s middagsin the afternoon(s), ’s avondsin the evening/night(s), ’s nachtsin the night(s), etc. These genitive phrases can either refer to the morning, afternoon, etc. of a contextually defined day, or be used as an adverbial phrase of frequency.
a. | Hij | kwam | ʼs avonds | doodmoe | thuis. | |
he | came | in the evening | dead.tired | home | ||
'The evening of that day, he came home dead tired.' |
b. | ʼs Morgens | werkt | hij thuis. | |
in the morning(s) | works | he home | ||
'In the morning(s), he works at home.' |
The genitive forms ’s avonds and ’s morgen in (171) cannot refer to the night/morning of the day that includes the speech time: for this, one must use the form vanavondtonight/vanmorgenthis morning. Other forms with the morpheme van that have a similar blocking effect are: vandaagtoday, vanmiddagthis afternoon and vannachttonight. These forms may be related to the phrases van de weeksometime this week, van de maandsometime this month, van de wintersometime last/next winter.
a. | Ik | ben | vanavond | thuis. | |
I | am | tonight | home |
b. | Hij | was | vanmorgen | ziek. | |
he | was | this.morning | ill |
Finally, note that there are no genitive forms of the nouns dagday, weekweek, maandmonth, or jaaryear that can be used in the contexts in (171). There are, however, archaic genitive forms like daags and ’s jaars: they occur in formal language but do not have the same function as the genitive forms in (171). Some examples are daags na die ontmoetinga day after that meeting and tweemaal daags/’s jaarstwice a day/year.
