The first indication that adjectival heel is non-quantificational in nature comes from the fact that it combines with quantificational pre-determiner heel, as illustrated in the examples in (179).

Another indication comes from example (180). The first conjunct Hij at de hele taart is ambiguous between a quantificational and an adjectival interpretation for heel, that is, between “He ate the entire cake” and “He ate (of) the cake that was complete/had no slice missing”. The second conjunct disambiguates the example, since it contradicts the first conjunct under the quantificational reading: He ate the entire cake but not entirely.

Adjectival heel alternates with half'half', which can also receive a purely adjectival interpretation and which, like adjectival heel in (179), can be combined with pre-determiner bare heel into a single noun phrase.

For completeness’ sake, note that predicative use of half results in a severely degraded result, just like the predicative use of heel in (178a&b).

      Example (183) shows that adjectival heel/half can be immediately preceded by post-determiner quantificational heel/half: although they need highly specialized contexts to be usable, these examples seem perfectly grammatical. This option unambiguously shows that a distinction should be made between adjectival and quantificational instantiations of inflectible heel (and half). Note that quantificational heel/half is always the first in sequence, the second being the purely adjectival form, which is, of course, in full conformity with the fact that post-determiner quantifiers precede attributive adjectives in Dutch.