- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Nouns and noun phrases (JANUARI 2025)
- 15 Characterization and classification
- 16 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. General observations
- 16.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 16.3. Clausal complements
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 17.2. Premodification
- 17.3. Postmodification
- 17.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 17.3.2. Relative clauses
- 17.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 17.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 17.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 17.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 17.4. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 18.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Articles
- 19.2. Pronouns
- 19.3. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Numerals and quantifiers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. Numerals
- 20.2. Quantifiers
- 20.2.1. Introduction
- 20.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 20.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 20.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 20.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 20.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 20.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 20.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 20.5. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Predeterminers
- 21.0. Introduction
- 21.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 21.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 21.3. A note on focus particles
- 21.4. Bibliographical notes
- 22 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 23 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Syntax
-
- General
This section continues the discussion of clausal complements of adpositions with infinitival complement clauses.
Dutch has three types of infinitival complement clauses, which are illustrated in (64). The first type is the bare infinitival accusativus cum infinitivo construction which occurs as the complement of perception verbs like zien'to see' and the causative/permissive verb laten'to make/let'. In the second type, the infinitival marker te'to' must be present. The third type can often be found in the same position as the second type, but is preceded by the preposition-like element om (often translated by English for but different from it by lacking the ability to assign case to the subject of the infinitival clause). Since bare infinitives like (64a) never occur as the complement of a preposition, we will focus below on the te-infinitives in (64b&c), in which PRO stands for the implied subject of the infinitival clause.
a. | Jan | zag | [Peter vertrekken]. | |
Jan | saw | Peter leave |
b. | Hij | beloofde | Marie [PRO | op tijd | te vertrekken]. | |
he | promised | Marie | on time | to leave |
c. | Hij | beloofde | Marie | [om PRO | op tijd | te vertrekken]. | |
he | promised | Marie | om | on time | to leave |
The status of om in (64c) is unclear; some regard it as an infinitival complementizer, whereas others consider it a regular preposition. The former position seems the most plausible one. A first argument in favor of this position is that, like the complementizer dat'that', om seems to have no clear semantic content; both are just used to introduce embedded clauses. Another argument in favor of this position is that it is not the case that the verb beloven'to promise' in (64c) selects a PP headed by om; cf. Jan beloofde Marie (*om) dat boek'he promised Marie the book'. Finally, the examples in (65) show that, like dat, om may also appear if an anticipatory pronominal PP is present.
a. | dat | Marie | er | naar verlangt | [(om) PRO | op vakantie | te gaan]. | |
that | Marie | there | for longs | comp | on holiday | to go |
b. | dat | Marie | er | tegenop | ziet | [(om) | te moeten verhuizen]. | |
that | Marie | there | against | sees | comp | to must move | ||
'that Marie doesnʼt like the idea of having to move.' |
For these reasons we will assume that om is a complementizer. If it turns out that, despite the three arguments given above, the element om is a preposition, one must conclude that it is certainly not a preposition selected by the verb beloven in (64c) or the prepositions naar and tegen in (65).
This subsection discusses whether te-infinitives may occur as the complement of temporal or non-temporal adverbial PPs.
There are only two types of temporal infinitival clauses. The first type expresses the anteriority relation before, as in (66a), and the second the posteriority relation after, as in (66b); temporal infinitival clauses expressing the relation of simultaneousness do not exist.
a. | Alvorens | (*om) PRO | te vertrekken, | kuste | Jan | zijn vader. | |
before | comp | to leave | kissed | Jan | his father | ||
'Jan kissed his father before departing.' |
b. | Na | (*om) | zijn vader | gekust | te hebben, | vertrok | Jan. | |
after | comp | his father | kissed | to have | left | Jan | ||
'After having kissed his father, Jan left.' |
If we adopt the assumption that om is a complementizer, the ungrammaticality of (66a) with om present can be accounted for by assuming that alvorens is also a complementizer. From this it would follow that the two elements are competing for the same position, so that only one can be realized (viz. the one with semantic content). In order to obtain the same result for (66b), it must be assumed that na is also a complementizer.
For the proponents of the complementation analysis of nadat'after', the same result could be obtained by claiming that infinitival clauses do not have (an overtly realized) complementizer, and that om, alvorens and na are all prepositions. But this would leave us with the problems indicated in Subsection I.
Some of the sequences of the form P + dat in (63) have counterparts that consist only of P. Those who adhere to the complex complementizer analysis of doordat are likely to also analyze the elements door, in plaats van and zonder as complementizers. For the proponents of the alternative analysis, these cases involve regular prepositions taking an infinitival clause (without an overtly realized complementizer) as their complement.
a. | [Door PRO | hard | te werken] | werd | Marie een belangrijk wetenschapper. | |
by | hard | to work | became | Marie an important scientist | ||
'Marie became an important scientist by working hard.' |
b. | [In plaats van PRO | te werken] | zit | Jan te luieren. | |
instead of | to work | sits | Jan to loaf | ||
'Jan is being idle instead of working.' |
c. | [Zonder PRO | iets | te vragen] | pakte | Marie een koekje. | |
without | something | to ask | took | Marie a biscuit | ||
'Marie took a biscuit without asking.' |
