• Dutch
  • Frisian
  • Saterfrisian
  • Afrikaans
Show all
38.4.Coordinators
quickinfo

This section provides more detailed information about the syntactic behavior, interpretation and use of individual coordinators. We will focus on the coordinators listed in (255), all of which are common in colloquial speech. The more formal coordinators mentioned in Section 38.1, sub III, will be discussed only insofar as they shed light on issues that the coordinators in (255) cannot handle. Section 38.4.1 begins with a discussion of the simple coordinators; the correlative forms will follow in Section 38.4.2.

255
a. Simple coordinators: en ‘and’, of ‘or’, noch ‘neither’, maar ‘but’, want ‘because’, dus ‘so’
b. Correlative coordinators: en ... en ... ‘as well as’, zowel ... als ... ‘both ... and ...’, of ... of ... ‘either ... or ...’, noch ... noch ... ‘neither ... nor ...’

We will focus on three recurring issues. The first one is whether the coordinator imposes categorial or semantic restrictions on its coordinands. While the coordinators enand ofor seem to be quite unrestricted in this respect, coordinators like maarbut, wantbecause and dusso seem to be restricted to propositional and predicative phrases. This difference is illustrated in (256) for maarbut by showing that it can be used to link coordinating clauses (propositions) but not to link coordinating referential noun phrases (entities).

256
a. [[Jan gaat naar school] en/maar [Marie blijft thuis]].
  Jan goes to school and/but Marie stays home
b. [Jan en Marie] gaan naar school.
  Jan and Marie go to school
b'. * [Jan maar Marie] gaan/gaat naar school.
  Jan but Marie gopl/goessg to school

The second issue concerns subject-verb agreement triggered by coordinate structures functioning as subjects. We will describe these with the help of resolution rules of the type in (257); cf. Corbett (2000:§6).

257
Nominal coordinate structures with:
a. singular coordinands coordinated by en ‘and’ are plural
b. singular coordinands coordinated by of ‘and’ are singular

These rules ensure that the conjunctive nominal coordinate structure in (258a) triggers plural agreement on the finite verb, while the disjunctive nominal coordinate structure in (258b) triggers singular agreement.

258
a. Jan en Peter komen/*komt morgen.
  Jan and Peter comepl/comessg tomorrow
  'Jan and Peter will come tomorrow.'
b. Jan of Peter komt/*komen morgen.
  Jan or Peter comessg/comepl tomorrow
  'Jan or Peter will come tomorrow.'

In some cases, however, there seem to be no generally accepted resolution rules. This is illustrated by the fact that example (259a) is highly marked regardless of the form of the finite verb: both the third person form komtcomes selected by the proper noun Jan and the first person form komcome selected by the referential pronoun ikI give rise to a degraded result.

259
a. % [Jan of ik] komt/kom dat boek ophalen.
  Jan or I comes/come that book prt.-get
b. Jan komt/Ik kom dat boek ophalen.
  Jan comes3p/I come1p that book prt.-get
  'Jan/I will pick up that book.'

The third issue is whether the meaning contribution of the coordinator can be exhaustively described by using the descriptions found in the formal-logical literature in terms of conjunction and disjunction. A helpful distinction here is between symmetric and asymmetric coordination: since conjunction and disjunction exhibit the property of commutativity discussed in Section 38.3, sub IIIA, we expect coordinators with a purely truth-conditional meaning to exhibit the same property, while coordinators with an additional meaning may lack this property. This leads to the distinction in (260).

260
a. Symmetric coordination: truth-conditional meaning aspects only.
b. Asymmetric coordination: additional temporal, causal, concessive, conditional or other meaning aspects.

The notion of (a)symmetry refers to the fact that the coordinands can(not) swap places without affecting the truth conditions of the sentence. This distinction, which is often discussed in relation to the coordinator enand in particular, is illustrated in (261). The coordinate structures in the (a)-examples are symmetric in the sense that changing the order of the coordinands does not affect the truth conditions. The (b)-examples, on the other hand, are asymmetric in the sense that they express different relations between the two coordinands: example (261b) gives the death of the female person in question as the reason for her burial, while (261b') gives burying her as the cause of her death; see Dik (1968:57) and Van Oirsouw (1987:13), among many others. Other special readings of the coordinators will also be discussed.

261
a. [[Jan is ziek] en [Marie is op vakantie]].
symmetric coordination
  Jan is ill and Marie is on vacation
a'. [[Marie is op vakantie] en [Jan is ziek]].
  Marie is on vacation and Jan is ill
b. [[Ze stierf] en [we begroeven haar]].
asymmetric coordination
  she died and we buried her
b'. [[We begroeven haar] en [ze stierf]].
  we buried her and she died
readmore
References:
    report errorprintcite