- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Nouns and noun phrases (JANUARI 2025)
- 15 Characterization and classification
- 16 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. General observations
- 16.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 16.3. Clausal complements
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 17.2. Premodification
- 17.3. Postmodification
- 17.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 17.3.2. Relative clauses
- 17.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 17.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 17.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 17.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 17.4. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 18.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Articles
- 19.2. Pronouns
- 19.3. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Numerals and quantifiers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. Numerals
- 20.2. Quantifiers
- 20.2.1. Introduction
- 20.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 20.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 20.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 20.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 20.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 20.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 20.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 20.5. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Predeterminers
- 21.0. Introduction
- 21.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 21.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 21.3. A note on focus particles
- 21.4. Bibliographical notes
- 22 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 23 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Syntax
-
- General
This section discusses the [+human] pronoun wiewho and the [-human] pronoun watwhat, which can be seen as the interrogative counterparts of the third-person referential personal pronouns. Subsection I begins with a discussion of the syntactic distribution of the interrogative personal pronouns. Subsection II briefly discusses their distinctive nominal features and Subsection III shows that they are indefinite. Finally, Subsection IV discusses the limited possibilities of modifying the interrogative personal pronouns.
The examples in (378) show that the two interrogative personal pronouns can function as both subject and object; this shows that they do not exhibit case distinctions.
a. | Wie | heeft | hem | geslagen? | ||||
who | has | him | hit | |||||
'Who hit him?' |
a'. | Wat | ligt | daar? | subject | ||||
what | lies | there | ||||||
'What is lying there?' |
b. | Wie | heeft | hij | geslagen? | |||||
who | has | he | hit | ||||||
'Who did he hit? |
b'. | Wat | heb | je | gekocht? | object | ||||
what | have | you | bought | ||||||
'What did you buy?' |
When the pronoun is part of a PP, the behavior of the two interrogative pronouns diverges: while wie can easily occur as the complement of a preposition, wat behaves like the referential personal pronoun hetit in that it triggers R-pronominalization. This is most likely related to the semantic distinction with respect to the feature [±human].
a. | Op wie | wacht | je? | nominal complement of PP | |
for who | wait | you | |||
'For whom are you waiting?' |
b. | *? | Op wat | wacht | je? | nominal complement of PP |
for what | wait | you |
b'. | Waar | wacht | je | op? | R-pronominalization | |
where | wait | you | for | |||
'What are you waiting for?' |
The restriction that watwhat cannot occur as the complement of a PP does not apply to echo questions like (380a), where the question word is stressed. In echo-question contexts, wat can also be used as a request to repeat/clarify a previous utterance; example (380b) shows that in this case wat sometimes alternates with the form watte.
a. | Je | wacht | op wat? | |
you | wait | for what | ||
'You are waiting for what?' |
b. | Ik | zal | de hond | maar | eens | schoppen. | wat/watte? | |
I | will | the dog | prt. | prt. | kick | what | ||
'I think I will kick the dog. I beg your pardon?' |
The primeless examples in (381) show that wie and wat can also function as nominal predicates in copular constructions. However, this is not possible in the vinden construction, as shown in the primed examples.
a. | Wie is hij? | Mijn broer. | |
who is he | my brother |
a'. | * | Wie | vind | je | hem? | Mijn broer. |
who | consider | you | him | my brother |
b. | Wat | wil | je | later worden? | Hoogleraar. | |
what | want | you | later be | professor | ||
'What do you want to be later? Professor.' |
b'. | * | Wat | vind | je | hem? | Hoogleraar. |
what | consider | you | him | professor |
The unacceptability of (381b') is probably not due to the fact that wat cannot be used as a nominal predicate in the vinden-construction but to the fact that the predicate in this construction must express a subjective evaluation; this is suggested by the fact that example (382b) is markedly better than (381b').
a. | Wat | is hij, | een dwaas | of | een genie? | |
what | is he | a fool | or | a genius |
b. | ? | Wat | vind | je | hem, | een dwaas | of | een genie? |
who | consider | you | him | a fool | or | a genius |
What is rather special is that wat in the vinden-construction in (382b) is typically used to question a property expressed by adjectives, as in (383a). Note, however, that open questions would normally be phrased slightly differently: with the PP van hem instead of the object hem, as in (383b).
a. | ? | Wat | vind | je | hem, | aardig | of | onaardig? |
who | consider | you | him | kind | or | unkind |
b. | Wat | vind | je | van hem? | Hij is aardig. | |
what | consider | you | of him | he is nice | ||
'What do you think of him? He is nice.' |
A final special use of wat is illustrated in (384). Here it is not questioning an argument or a predicate, but a measure phrase, which is obligatory but behaves in various ways like an adjunct, for which reason it is often considered a quasi-argument of the verb; cf. Section V2.4 for further discussion.
Wat | weeg | je? | 65 kilo. | ||
what | weigh | you | 65 kilos | ||
'What is your weight? 65 kilos.' |
The examples in (385) show that the interrogative pronouns are formally third person and masculine (or neuter): this is clear from the form of the finite verb and from the fact that the third-person possessive pronoun zijnhis can take the interrogative pronoun as its antecedent. Note, however, that the use of feminine pronouns is promoted for politically correct writing/speech.
a. | Wiei | heeft3sg | zijni auto | voor de deur | gezet? | |
who | has | his car | in.front.of the door | put | ||
'Who has put his car in front of the door?' |
b. | Wati | heeft3sg | Marie | uit zijni doos | gehaald? | |
what | has | Marie | out.of his box | taken | ||
'What did Jan take out of its box?' |
However, the use of wie does not express the speaker’s presupposition that the answer will involve a third-person constituent or a male person, as will be clear from the fact that a speaker can easily ask (rhetorical) questions like those in (386). The presupposition regarding a third-person constituent does hold in the case of wat, but this may be due to the fact that this pronoun refers to inanimate things, whereas the speaker and the addressee are typically human.
a. | Wiei | heeft | zijni kamer | niet | opgeruimd, | jij of ik? | |
who | has | his room | not | prt.-tidied | you or I | ||
'Who hasnʼt tidied his room, you or I?' |
b. | Wiei | heeft | hij | uitgenodigd, | jou of mij? | |
who | has | he | prt.-invited | you or me | ||
'Who has he invited, you or me?' |
c. | Wiei | heeft | hij | uitgenodigd, | Els of Marie? | |
who | has | he | prt.-invited | Els or Marie | ||
'Who has he invited, Els or Marie?' |
The pronouns wie and wat genuinely differ in number: the form of the finite verb in (387a) shows that the [+human] pronoun wie can be formally either singular or plural; the fact that the [-human] pronoun wat in (387b) is only compatible with the singular form of the finite verb shows that it is formally singular. This does not mean that wat cannot be used to question more than one thing: an answer to (387b) can easily involve a list of objects. The fact that the quantifier allemaal can be used in (387b) also shows that wat can be semantically plural; cf. Zij zijn allemaal ziekthey are all ill versus *Hij is allemaal ziekHe is all ill.
a. | Wie | is/zijn | er | vertrokken? | |
who | is/are | there | left | ||
'Who has/have left?' |
b. | Wat ligt/*liggen | er | (allemaal) | in de la? | |
what lies/lie | there | all | in the drawer | ||
'What is lying in the drawer?' |
Example (388a) shows that using the quantifier allemaal leads to a marked result when the [+human] pronoun wie triggers singular agreement on the verb. However, it is not hard to find fully acceptable cases like this on the internet. For example, singular agreement is regularly found with the verb komento come in (388a'). Perhaps this is related to the fact that this verb can take a secondary predicate in the form of a PP, since copular constructions like (388b&b') are also clear exceptions to the general tendency to avoid singular agreement in the presence of allemaal.
a. | Wie zijn/??is | er | allemaal | vertrokken? | |
who are/is | there | all | left |
a'. | Wie komt/komen er | allemaal | (naar/uit ...)? | |
who comes/come there | all | to/from |
b. | Wie is/zijn | er | allemaal | ziek? | |
who is/are | there | all | ill |
b'. | Wie is/zijn | er | allemaal | lid? | |
who is/are | there | all | member |
For completeness’ sake, consider example (389a). This example is not a counterexample to our earlier claim that wat cannot trigger plural agreement on the finite verb, because it is part of a larger subject phrase wat voor een dingenwhat for a things, which happens to be split. That this larger phrase must trigger plural agreement is illustrated in (389) with the unsplit variant of the wat-voor phrase.
a. | Wat | liggen | er | (allemaal) | voor een dingen | in de la? | |
what | lie | there | all | for a things | in the drawer |
b. | Wat voor een dingen | liggen/*ligt | er | (allemaal) | in de la? | |
what for a things | lie/lies | there | all | in the drawer | ||
'What kind of things are lying in the drawer?' |
The fact that the examples in (387) and (388), in which the pronoun functions as the subject of the clause, contain the expletive erthere shows that the interrogative pronouns are indefinite: if the expletive is omitted, the result is unacceptable, unless some presuppositional constituent is present; cf. (378a) and (385a).
a. | Wie is/zijn | *(er) | vertrokken? | |
who is/are | there | left |
b. | Wat | ligt | *(er) | in de la? | |
what | lies | there | in the drawer |
This also holds for wie in the partitive-like construction wie van julliewho of you in (391b).
a. | Wie heeft | ??(er) | gelachen? | |
who has | there | laughed | ||
'Who has laughed?' |
b. | Wie van jullie | heeft | ??(er) | gelachen? | |
who of you | has | there | laughed | ||
'Who of you has laughed?' |
The examples in (392) show that the pronouns wie and wat can be modified by elements like dan ook or om het even. However, this results in the loss of their interrogative force: the meaning of these phrases comes close to that of English phrases with any. Perhaps this is not so surprising for wat, since we will see in Section 19.2.1.3 that this pronoun can also be used as a quantificational personal pronoun, but it is surprising for wie, which lacks this option.
a. | Dit | kan | door | wie dan ook/om het even wie | gedaan | zijn. | |
this | can | by | anyone/anyone | done | be | ||
'This could have been done by anyone.' |
b. | Je | kan hem | om het even wat | geven. | |
you | can him | anything | give |
Interrogative personal pronouns do not readily allow for other forms of modification. For example, the examples in (393) involving postmodification are marginal at best.
a. | ?? | Wie bij de deur | is jouw vader? |
who near the door | is your father |
a'. | ?? | Wie daar | is je vader? |
who there | is your father |
b. | ?? | Wie | die | hier | gisteren | was | is vandaag | naar Rome | vertrokken? |
who | that | here | yesterday | was | is today | to Rome | left | ||
'Who that was here yesterday has left for Rome today?' |
