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19.2.1.2.Interrogative personal pronouns
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This section discusses the [+human] pronoun wiewho and the [-human] pronoun watwhat, which can be seen as the interrogative counterparts of the third-person referential personal pronouns. Subsection I begins with a discussion of the syntactic distribution of the interrogative personal pronouns. Subsection II briefly discusses their distinctive nominal features and Subsection III shows that they are indefinite. Finally, Subsection IV discusses the limited possibilities of modifying the interrogative personal pronouns.

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[+]  I.  Syntactic distribution

The examples in (378) show that the two interrogative personal pronouns can function as both subject and object; this shows that they do not exhibit case distinctions.

378
a. Wie heeft hem geslagen?
  who has him hit
  'Who hit him?'
a'. Wat ligt daar?
subject
  what lies there
  'What is lying there?'
b. Wie heeft hij geslagen?
  who has he hit
  'Who did he hit?
b'. Wat heb je gekocht?
object
  what have you bought
  'What did you buy?'

When the pronoun is part of a PP, the behavior of the two interrogative pronouns diverges: while wie can easily occur as the complement of a preposition, wat behaves like the referential personal pronoun hetit in that it triggers R-pronominalization. This is most likely related to the semantic distinction with respect to the feature [±human].

379
a. Op wie wacht je?
nominal complement of PP
  for who wait you
  'For whom are you waiting?'
b. *? Op wat wacht je?
nominal complement of PP
  for what wait you
b'. Waar wacht je op?
R-pronominalization
  where wait you for
  'What are you waiting for?'

The restriction that watwhat cannot occur as the complement of a PP does not apply to echo questions like (380a), where the question word is stressed. In echo-question contexts, wat can also be used as a request to repeat/clarify a previous utterance; example (380b) shows that in this case wat sometimes alternates with the form watte.

380
a. Je wacht op wat?
  you wait for what
  'You are waiting for what?'
b. Ik zal de hond maar eens schoppen. wat/watte?
  I will the dog prt. prt. kick what
  'I think I will kick the dog. I beg your pardon?'

The primeless examples in (381) show that wie and wat can also function as nominal predicates in copular constructions. However, this is not possible in the vinden construction, as shown in the primed examples.

381
a. Wie is hij? Mijn broer.
  who is he my brother
a'. * Wie vind je hem? Mijn broer.
  who consider you him my brother
b. Wat wil je later worden? Hoogleraar.
  what want you later be professor
  'What do you want to be later? Professor.'
b'. * Wat vind je hem? Hoogleraar.
  what consider you him professor

The unacceptability of (381b') is probably not due to the fact that wat cannot be used as a nominal predicate in the vinden-construction but to the fact that the predicate in this construction must express a subjective evaluation; this is suggested by the fact that example (382b) is markedly better than (381b').

382
a. Wat is hij, een dwaas of een genie?
  what is he a fool or a genius
b. ? Wat vind je hem, een dwaas of een genie?
  who consider you him a fool or a genius

What is rather special is that wat in the vinden-construction in (382b) is typically used to question a property expressed by adjectives, as in (383a). Note, however, that open questions would normally be phrased slightly differently: with the PP van hem instead of the object hem, as in (383b).

383
a. ? Wat vind je hem, aardig of onaardig?
  who consider you him kind or unkind
b. Wat vind je van hem? Hij is aardig.
  what consider you of him he is nice
  'What do you think of him? He is nice.'

A final special use of wat is illustrated in (384). Here it is not questioning an argument or a predicate, but a measure phrase, which is obligatory but behaves in various ways like an adjunct, for which reason it is often considered a quasi-argument of the verb; cf. Section V2.4 for further discussion.

384
Wat weeg je? 65 kilo.
  what weigh you 65 kilos
'What is your weight? 65 kilos.'
[+]  II.  Nominal features

The examples in (385) show that the interrogative pronouns are formally third person and masculine (or neuter): this is clear from the form of the finite verb and from the fact that the third-person possessive pronoun zijnhis can take the interrogative pronoun as its antecedent. Note, however, that the use of feminine pronouns is promoted for politically correct writing/speech.

385
Person feature
a. Wiei heeft3sg zijni auto voor de deur gezet?
  who has his car in.front.of the door put
  'Who has put his car in front of the door?'
b. Wati heeft3sg Marie uit zijni doos gehaald?
  what has Marie out.of his box taken
  'What did Jan take out of its box?'

However, the use of wie does not express the speaker’s presupposition that the answer will involve a third-person constituent or a male person, as will be clear from the fact that a speaker can easily ask (rhetorical) questions like those in (386). The presupposition regarding a third-person constituent does hold in the case of wat, but this may be due to the fact that this pronoun refers to inanimate things, whereas the speaker and the addressee are typically human.

386
a. Wiei heeft zijni kamer niet opgeruimd, jij of ik?
  who has his room not prt.-tidied you or I
  'Who hasnʼt tidied his room, you or I?'
b. Wiei heeft hij uitgenodigd, jou of mij?
  who has he prt.-invited you or me
  'Who has he invited, you or me?'
c. Wiei heeft hij uitgenodigd, Els of Marie?
  who has he prt.-invited Els or Marie
  'Who has he invited, Els or Marie?'

The pronouns wie and wat genuinely differ in number: the form of the finite verb in (387a) shows that the [+human] pronoun wie can be formally either singular or plural; the fact that the [-human] pronoun wat in (387b) is only compatible with the singular form of the finite verb shows that it is formally singular. This does not mean that wat cannot be used to question more than one thing: an answer to (387b) can easily involve a list of objects. The fact that the quantifier allemaal can be used in (387b) also shows that wat can be semantically plural; cf. Zij zijn allemaal ziekthey are all ill versus *Hij is allemaal ziekHe is all ill.

387
Number feature
a. Wie is/zijn er vertrokken?
  who is/are there left
  'Who has/have left?'
b. Wat ligt/*liggen er (allemaal) in de la?
  what lies/lie there all in the drawer
  'What is lying in the drawer?'

Example (388a) shows that using the quantifier allemaal leads to a marked result when the [+human] pronoun wie triggers singular agreement on the verb. However, it is not hard to find fully acceptable cases like this on the internet. For example, singular agreement is regularly found with the verb komento come in (388a'). Perhaps this is related to the fact that this verb can take a secondary predicate in the form of a PP, since copular constructions like (388b&b') are also clear exceptions to the general tendency to avoid singular agreement in the presence of allemaal.

388
a. Wie zijn/??is er allemaal vertrokken?
  who are/is there all left
a'. Wie komt/komen er allemaal (naar/uit ...)?
  who comes/come there all to/from
b. Wie is/zijn er allemaal ziek?
  who is/are there all ill
b'. Wie is/zijn er allemaal lid?
  who is/are there all member

For completeness’ sake, consider example (389a). This example is not a counterexample to our earlier claim that wat cannot trigger plural agreement on the finite verb, because it is part of a larger subject phrase wat voor een dingenwhat for a things, which happens to be split. That this larger phrase must trigger plural agreement is illustrated in (389) with the unsplit variant of the wat-voor phrase.

389
a. Wat liggen er (allemaal) voor een dingen in de la?
  what lie there all for a things in the drawer
b. Wat voor een dingen liggen/*ligt er (allemaal) in de la?
  what for a things lie/lies there all in the drawer
  'What kind of things are lying in the drawer?'
[+]  III.  Definiteness

The fact that the examples in (387) and (388), in which the pronoun functions as the subject of the clause, contain the expletive erthere shows that the interrogative pronouns are indefinite: if the expletive is omitted, the result is unacceptable, unless some presuppositional constituent is present; cf. (378a) and (385a).

390
a. Wie is/zijn *(er) vertrokken?
  who is/are there left
b. Wat ligt *(er) in de la?
  what lies there in the drawer

This also holds for wie in the partitive-like construction wie van julliewho of you in (391b).

391
a. Wie heeft ??(er) gelachen?
  who has there laughed
  'Who has laughed?'
b. Wie van jullie heeft ??(er) gelachen?
  who of you has there laughed
  'Who of you has laughed?'
[+]  IV.  Modification

The examples in (392) show that the pronouns wie and wat can be modified by elements like dan ook or om het even. However, this results in the loss of their interrogative force: the meaning of these phrases comes close to that of English phrases with any. Perhaps this is not so surprising for wat, since we will see in Section 19.2.1.3 that this pronoun can also be used as a quantificational personal pronoun, but it is surprising for wie, which lacks this option.

392
a. Dit kan door wie dan ook/om het even wie gedaan zijn.
  this can by anyone/anyone done be
  'This could have been done by anyone.'
b. Je kan hem om het even wat geven.
  you can him anything give

Interrogative personal pronouns do not readily allow for other forms of modification. For example, the examples in (393) involving postmodification are marginal at best.

393
a. ?? Wie bij de deur is jouw vader?
  who near the door is your father
a'. ?? Wie daar is je vader?
  who there is your father
b. ?? Wie die hier gisteren was is vandaag naar Rome vertrokken?
  who that here yesterday was is today to Rome left
  'Who that was here yesterday has left for Rome today?'
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