- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Nouns and noun phrases (JANUARI 2025)
- 15 Characterization and classification
- 16 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. General observations
- 16.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 16.3. Clausal complements
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 17.2. Premodification
- 17.3. Postmodification
- 17.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 17.3.2. Relative clauses
- 17.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 17.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 17.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 17.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 17.4. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 18.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Articles
- 19.2. Pronouns
- 19.3. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Numerals and quantifiers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. Numerals
- 20.2. Quantifiers
- 20.2.1. Introduction
- 20.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 20.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 20.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 20.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 20.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 20.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 20.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 20.5. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Predeterminers
- 21.0. Introduction
- 21.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 21.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 21.3. A note on focus particles
- 21.4. Bibliographical notes
- 22 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 23 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Syntax
-
- General
This section discusses the position of the complementive in the clause. We will see that the complementive is normally left-adjacent to the verb(s) in clause-final position, unless the complementive has been moved into a more leftward position. If movement does not apply, the complementive and the verb(s) in clause-final position can only be separated by a stranded preposition.
The position of the attributively used adjective is typically to the left of the verb(s) in clause-final position: placement of the adjective after the verb(s) leads to severe ungrammaticality. This is illustrated in (54).
a. | dat | de jongens | groot | zijn. | |
that | the boys | big | are |
a'. | * | dat de jongens zijn groot. |
b. | dat | Jan zijn haar | zwart | verfde. | |
that | Jan his hair | black | dyed |
b'. | * | dat Jan zijn haar verfde zwart. |
c. | dat | Marie Jan aardig | vindt. | |
that | Marie Jan nice | considers |
c'. | * | dat Marie Jan vindt aardig. |
There is a divide between the northern and southern varieties of Dutch with respect to the placement of the complementive when there is more than one verb in clause-final position. In the northern varieties, the adjective usually precedes all verbs. Placement of the adjective in between the auxiliary and main verb, as in the primed examples of (55), is generally rejected, although it should be noted that these orders are occasionally produced and some speakers tend to accept them as marked but acceptable. All speakers of the northern varieties of Dutch do agree, though, that making the adjective phrases in (55) more complex by, e.g., adding a complement or an intensifying adverb, such as erg'very', renders the primed examples fully unacceptable; the same thing holds for adjectives in the comparative or superlative forms.
a. | dat | de jongens | groot | willen | worden. | |
that | the boys | big | want | become | ||
'that the boys want to become big.' |
a'. | *? | dat de jongens willen groot worden. |
b. | dat | Jan zijn haar | zwart | wil | verven. | |
that | Jan his hair | black | wants | dye | ||
'that Jan wants to dye his hair black.' |
b'. | *? | dat Jan zijn haar wil zwart verven. |
c. | dat | Marie Jan aardig | wil | vinden. | |
that | Marie Jan nice | want | consider | ||
'that Marie wishes to consider Jan kind.' |
c'. | *? | dat Marie Jan wil aardig vinden. |
The requirement that the verbs in clause-final position be strictly adjacent to each other does not apply to the southern varieties of Dutch. This is especially clear in the varieties of Dutch spoken in Belgium, where even in the formal registers various types of elements can be placed between the clause-final verbs. In these varieties, the orders in the primed examples in (55) are fully acceptable, even if the adjectives are modified.
With some more or less fixed adjective-verb combinations, all speakers of Dutch accept the occurrence of the adjective in between the auxiliary and the main verb. These combinations are sometimes considered compounds, which is reflected by the orthographical convention of writing the combination as a single word in the primeless examples of (56). That we are dealing with compounds is perhaps supported by the fact that these adjective-verb combinations can be rendered by simple English verbs: to raise, to clean and to drain. It is also suggested by the fact that modification of the adjectives by, e.g., the intensifying adverb erg'very' gives rise to an awkward result, although it should be noted that assuming compounding leaves unexplained that modification is also excluded if the adjective and the verb are not adjacent, as in the primed examples (or in verb second contexts).
a. | dat | hij | zijn kinderen | in slechte omstandigheden | moet | (*erg) grootbrengen. | |
that | he | his children | in bad circumstances | must | very big.bring | ||
'that he must raise his children in bad circumstances.' |
a'. | dat hij zijn kinderen in slechte omstandigheden (*erg) groot moet brengen. |
b. | dat | hij | de badkamer | wil | (*erg) | schoonmaken. | |
that | he | the bathroom | wants | very | clean.make | ||
'that he wants to clean the bathroom.' |
b'. | dat hij de badkamer (??erg) schoon wil maken. |
c. | dat | de regering | de Markerwaard | wil | (*erg) | droogleggen. | |
that | the government | the Markerwaard | wants | very | dry.put | ||
'that the government wants to drain the Markerwaard.' |
c'. | dat de regering de Markerwaard (*erg) droog wil leggen. |
If the adjective precedes the verb(s) in clause-final position, it must generally also be adjacent to it/them: intervention of elements such as adverbial phrases leads to unacceptability in all varieties of Dutch if the sentence is pronounced with an unmarked intonation pattern (with main stress on the complementive). This is illustrated in (57).
a. | dat | de jongens | altijd | al | groot | hebben | willen | worden. | |
that | the boys | always | prt | big | have | want | become | ||
'that the boys always wanted to become big.' |
a'. | * | dat de jongens groot altijd al hebben willen worden. |
b. | dat | Jan zijn haar | altijd | al | zwart | heeft | willen | verven. | |
that | Jan his hair | always | prt | black | has | wanted | dye | ||
'that Jan always wanted to dye his hair black.' |
b'. | * | dat Jan zijn haar zwart altijd al heeft willen verven. |
c. | dat | Marie Jan altijd | al | aardig | heeft | gevonden. | |
that | Marie Jan always | prt | nice | has | considered | ||
'that Marie has always considered Jan to be kind.' |
c'. | * | dat Marie Jan aardig altijd al heeft gevonden. |
The general rule for placement of complementive adjectives can be schematized as in (58): √ indicates the position of the complementive in the “unmarked" construction, % indicates the position where the adjective cannot occur in the northern varieties, and * marks the positions where the adjective cannot occur at all, subsection II will show, however, that several exceptions to this general schema exist. In what follows we will focus on the northern varieties of Dutch and refer to the generalization in (58) as the adjacency restriction.
.... * XP √ Verb % Verb * |
Note further that, in order to be more precise, we should of course say that the adjectival phrase must be adjacent to the clause-final verb(s), since otherwise an example such as (59), in which the intervening PP is an argument of the adjective (cf. Section 2.1), would constitute a problem for this claim. For convenience, however, we will maintain our loose formulation in the following discussion.
dat | Jan [AP | boos op zijn vader] | is. | ||
that | Jan | angry at his father | is | ||
'that Jan is angry at his father.' |
The fact that the adjective must be left-adjacent to the verbs in clause-final position suggests that there is some close relationship between the verb cluster and the adjective. That this is indeed the case is also clear from the fact that the adjective must be pied-piped in the case of VP-topicalization, as is illustrated in (60b-c).
a. | Jan wil | de deur | niet | groen | verven. | |
Jan wants | the door | not | green | paint | ||
'Jan doesnʼt want to paint the door green.' |
b. | Groen verven wil Jan de deur niet. |
c. | * | Verven wil Jan de deur niet groen. |
The examples in (61) show that it is not impossible to separate the verb and the adjective. This frequently happens in Verb-second contexts if the main verb is finite, as in (61a). Separation may also result from leftward movement of the adjective. This is illustrated in (61b) for topicalization. The various types of leftward movement that may bring about such separation are discussed Subsection II.
a. | Jan verft | de deur | groen. | |
Jan paints | the door | green |
b. | Groen wil Jan de deur niet verven. |
The adjacency restriction between the adjective and the verb cluster can be overruled by assigning focus accent to the adjective; the primed examples in (57) improve considerably in that case. The order in these examples can be further improved by placing a focus particle like zo'that' in front of the adjective. This is illustrated in the primed examples of (62). The primeless examples show that the complementive adjective can also occupy the unmarked position.
a. | dat | de jongens | altijd al | zo groot | hebben | willen | worden. | |
that | the boys | always al | that big | have | want | be |
a'. | dat de jongens zo groot altijd al hebben willen worden. |
b. | dat Jan zijn haar altijd al zo zwart heeft willen verven. |
b'. | dat Jan zijn haar zo zwart altijd al heeft willen verven. |
c. | dat Marie Jan altijd al zo aardig heeft gevonden. |
c'. | dat Marie Jan zo aardig altijd al heeft gevonden. |
The adjacency requirement can also be overruled by placing the adjective in clause-initial position by wh-movement or topicalization. We illustrate this in (63) by means of topicalization. The reader can construct the corresponding Wh-constructions himself by placing the interrogative intensifier hoe'how' in front of the adjective.
a. | Groot | hebben | de jongens | altijd | al | willen | worden. | |
big | have | the boys | always | prt | want | become | ||
'Big, the boys always wanted to become.' |
b. | Zwart | heeft | Jan zijn haar | altijd | al | willen | verven. | |
black | has | Jan his hair | always | prt | wanted | paint | ||
'Black, Jan always wanted to dye his hair.' |
c. | Aardig | heeft | Marie Jan altijd | al | gevonden. | |
nice | has | Marie Jan always | prt | considered | ||
'Nice, Marie always considered Jan to be.' |
These examples show that we have to revise the schema in (58) as in (64). Again, the dots represents a random string of elements, √ indicates the position of the complementive in the “unmarked" construction, % indicates the position where the adjective cannot occur in the northern varieties, and * marks the positions in which the adjective cannot occur in Standard Dutch. In addition, WH/TOP indicates the position of the adjective in topicalization or wh- constructions such as (63), and FOC indicates the position of the adjective in focus constructions such as (62); the star below FOC indicates that this position can only be filled by contrastively focused adjectives.
WH/TOP ... | ![]() | XP √ Verb % Verb * |
In constructions with leftward movement of the adjective, the close relation between the complementive and the verb is broken. Therefore, we may expect that in such cases, VP-topicalization may strand the complementive. It is of course not possible to check this if the complementive has undergone wh-movement or topicalization itself, as the prospective landing site of the VP would already be filled then, but it is possible to check this when the adjective has undergone focus movement, since this leaves the clause-initial position free for VP-topicalization. Example (65) seems to indicate that VP-topicalization is not possible for some reason. Nevertheless, we will see in the next subsection that leftward movement of the adjective may indeed make it possible for the verb to topicalize in isolation.
?? | Verven | wil | Jan de deur | zo groen | toch | echt | niet. | |
paint | wants | Jan the door | that green | yet | really | not |
Like complementives, stranded prepositions must be left-adjacent to the verb cluster in clause-final position, which means that the two compete for the same position. Nevertheless, they may co-occur in a single clause. At first sight, the ordering of the two elements seems to be free: in (66a), which contains a stranded preposition of an instrumental PP, the stranded preposition may either precede or follow the complementive, and the same thing holds for (66b), which involves the stranded preposition of a restrictive adverbial van-PP. For convenience, we have given the stranded preposition and its moved complement, the R-word waar, in italics.
a. | de doek | waar | Jan de kast | mee | droog | gemaakt | heeft | |
the cloth | which | Jan the cupboard | with | dry | made | has | ||
'the cloth Jan has dried the cupboard with' |
a'. | de doek waar Jan de kast droog mee gemaakt heeft |
b. | de kast | waar | Jan de bovenkant | van | droog | gemaakt | heeft | |
the cupboard | which | Jan the top side | of | dry | made | has | ||
'the cupboard of which Jan has dried the top side' |
b'. | de kast waar Jan de bovenkant droog van gemaakt heeft |
The situation is, however, far more complex than the examples in (66) suggest. In fact, the general rule seems to be that the stranded preposition follows the complementive adjective. The following subsections discuss various facts supporting this claim.
The examples in (66) with free ordering of the complementive and the stranded preposition are all resultative constructions. When we consider the order of the two in vinden-constructions like (67b) and (68b), it turns out that the complementive must precede the stranded preposition, notwithstanding the fact that the full prepositional phrase must precede the complementive adjective (unless, of course, the PP is placed in post-verbal position by means of PP-over-V, an option not relevant here: dat Marie haar broer mooi vindt in die kleren).
a. | dat | Marie haar broer | in die kleren | mooi | vindt. | |
that | Marie her brother | in those clothes | beautiful | considers | ||
'Marie considers her brother beautiful in those clothes.' |
a'. | * | dat Marie haar broer mooi in die kleren vindt. |
b. | * | de kleren | waar | Marie haar broer | in mooi | vindt |
the clothes | that | Marie her brother | in beautiful | considers | ||
'the clothes in which Marie considers her brother beautiful' |
b'. | de kleren waar Marie haar broer mooi in vindt |
a. | dat | Jan de minister | in dit document | gek | noemt. | |
that | Jan the minister | in this document | mad | calls | ||
'that Jan is calling the minister mad in this document.' |
a'. | * | dat Jan de minister gek in dit document noemt. |
b. | * | het document waar | Jan de minister | in gek | noemt |
the document that | Jan the minister | in mad | calls | ||
'the document in which Jan calls the minister mad' |
b'. | het document waar Jan de minister gek in noemt |
As soon as the complementives in (66) are modified by, e.g., the intensifier erg'very', the order with the stranded preposition preceding the adjective becomes completely ungrammatical. The same thing holds if we replace erg droog by the morphologically amplified compound kurkdroog'bone-dry', but this is not illustrated here.
a. | * | de doek | waar | hij | de kast | mee | erg droog | gemaakt | heeft |
the cloth | which | he | the closet | with | very dry | made | has | ||
'the cloth he made the closet very dry with' |
a'. | de doek waar hij de kast erg droog mee gemaakt heeft |
b. | * | de kast | waar | Jan de bovenkant | van | erg droog | gemaakt | heeft |
the closet | which | Jan the top side | of | very dry | made | has | ||
'the closet of which Jan has made the top side very dry' |
b'. | de kast waar Jan de bovenkant erg droog van gemaakt heeft |
If the complementive has the comparative or superlative form, the stranded preposition must follow it.
a. | * | de doek | waar | hij | de kast | mee | droger/het droogst | gemaakt | heeft |
the cloth | which | he | the closet | with | drier/the driest | made | has | ||
'the cloth he made the closet drier/the driest with' |
a'. | de doek waar hij de kast droger/het droogst mee gemaakt heeft |
b. | * | de kast | waar | Jan de bovenkant | van | droger/het droogst | gemaakt | heeft |
the closet | which | Jan the top side | of | drier/the driest | made | has | ||
'the closet of which Jan has made the top side drier/the driest' |
b'. | de kast waar Jan de bovenkant droger/het droogst van gemaakt heeft |
If the clause is negated, the complementive may generally either precede or follow the stranded preposition, as is shown in (71).
a. | de doek | waar | Jan de kast | niet | mee | droog | gemaakt | heeft | |
the cloth | which | Jan the closet | not | with | dry | made | has | ||
'the cloth that Jan didnʼt dry the closet with' |
a'. | de doek waar hij de kast niet droog mee gemaakt heeft |
b. | de kast | waar | Jan de bovenkant | niet | van | droog | gemaakt | heeft | |
the closet | which | Jan the top side | not | of | dry | made | has | ||
'the closet of which Jan didnʼt dry the top side' |
b'. | de kast waar Jan de bovenkant niet droog van gemaakt heeft |
If the scope of negation is restricted to the complementive, however, the adjective must precede the stranded preposition. This is illustrated in (72). In (72b), it is not the event of painting that is negated: the negation focuses on the adjective only; the color Jan is using is not green. In contrast to what we find in (72a), the complementive must precede the stranded preposition in this case.
a. | de kwast | waar | Jan de deur | <mee> | groen <mee> | verft | |
the brush | which | Jan the door | with | green | paints | ||
'the brush with which Jan is painting the door green' |
b. | de kwast | waar | Jan de deur | <*mee> | niet <??mee> | groen <mee> | verft | |
the brush | which | Jan the door | with | not | green | paints |
It is not immediately clear how the orders in A to D are brought about. There is, however, some evidence that the order in which the complementive precedes the stranded preposition involves leftward movement of the adjective. In Subsection II, we suggested that, in principle, leftward movement of the complementive should make topicalization of the verb in isolation possible, although we have not come across an acceptable example of this type so far. Now consider the two examples in (73), which involve negation with scope over the complementive only: Jan didnʼt want to paint the door green, but he did want to paint it yellow.
a. | Jan wil | de deur | niet | groen | verven | maar | geel. | |
Jan wants | the door | not | green | paint | but | yellow | ||
'Jan doesnʼt want to paint the door green but yellow.' |
b. | Verven wil Jan de deur niet groen maar geel. |
The acceptability of (73b) would follow if the focus of negation on the adjective groen forces the adjective to move leftward; as a result of that the tie between the verb and the adjective is broken, and the verb can be topicalized in isolation. From this it would follow that the grammatical order in (72b) is the result of leftward movement of the adjective. By extension, we might speculate that the same thing holds for the other cases in which the complementive adjectives precede the stranded prepositions, but future research must make clear whether this suggestion is tenable.
Now that we have established that stranded prepositions may intervene between the complementive and the verbs in clause-final position, we can further revise the schema in (64) as in (74), in which Pstr. stands for the position of the stranded preposition. This concludes our discussion of the position of the complementive adjective.
WH/TOP ... | ![]() | XP √ Pstr. Verb % Verb * |
