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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Nouns and noun phrases (JANUARI 2025)
- 15 Characterization and classification
- 16 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. General observations
- 16.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 16.3. Clausal complements
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 17.2. Premodification
- 17.3. Postmodification
- 17.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 17.3.2. Relative clauses
- 17.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 17.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 17.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 17.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 17.4. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 18.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Articles
- 19.2. Pronouns
- 19.3. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Numerals and quantifiers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. Numerals
- 20.2. Quantifiers
- 20.2.1. Introduction
- 20.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 20.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 20.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 20.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 20.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 20.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 20.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 20.5. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Predeterminers
- 21.0. Introduction
- 21.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 21.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 21.3. A note on focus particles
- 21.4. Bibliographical notes
- 22 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 23 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Syntax
-
- General
This section examines some meaning aspects related to possessive pronouns. Subsection I argues that the meaning of the referential possessive pronouns comes very close to that of the definite article, but that, in addition, it introduces a partitioning of the denotation set of the head noun (or NP, but we will stick to the simple cases here). This latter part of the meaning can also be found with the other semantic types of possessive pronouns. Subsection II goes into the semantic relationship between the possessive pronoun and the referent of the noun phrase that brings about this partitioning: in the case of zijn boek'his book', for example, this relationship can be one of ownership, authorship, and probably many others.
Section 5.2.2.1 has shown that the possessive pronouns are in complementary distribution with the articles, and we have used this fact to motivate the claim that possessive pronouns function as determiners of the noun phrase. Another reason to adopt this claim is that possessive pronouns also have certain semantic properties in common with the articles. This is clearest with the referential possessive pronouns, which have more or less the same meaning contribution as the definite articles. Consider Figure 1, in which A represents the set of entities denoted by the subject NP and B represents the set of entities denoted by the verb phrase, where A and B are both contextually determined, that is, dependent on the domain of discourse (domain D). The intersection A ∩ B denotes the set of entities for which the proposition expressed by the clause is claimed to be true.
Section 5.1.1.1 has argued that the core meaning of the definite article is that all entities in domain D that satisfy the description of the subject NP are included in the intersection A ∩ B, that is, that the remainder of set A is empty; cf. (422a'). The referential possessive pronoun zijn'his' in (b) expresses a similar meaning but in addition introduces a partitioning of set A: the assertion is not about all entities that satisfy the description of the NP, but about a subset Asub of it that stands in a certain relation to the referent of the possessive pronoun. The fact that the possessive pronouns imply a partitioning of set A does not, of course, necessarily imply that set A is a non-singleton set. If domain D contains just a single book, the speaker can still use the noun phrase mijn boek'my book'; in this case the evoked alternative referent set is empty.
a. | De boeken | verkopen | goed. | |
the books | sell | well |
a'. | de Npl: A - (A ∩ B) = ∅ & |A ∩ B| ≥ 1 |
b. | Zijn boeken | verkopen | goed. | |
his books | sell | well |
b'. | zijn Npl: Asub - (Asub ∩ B) = ∅ & |Asub ∩ B| ≥ 1 |
Note that the relationship in question need not be one of possession but can be of various sorts and is largely determined by the non-linguistic context; see Janssen (1976: Section 3.1) for relevant discussion. The referent of the possessive pronoun in (b) may the author or the publisher of the books but also someone who copy-edited them or made a guess about which books would sell well.
It is not only the core meaning of the definite articles that is associated with the referential possessive pronouns; other properties of definite noun phrases can also be found with noun phrases containing a referential possessive pronoun. For example, both types of noun phrase normally refer to entities in domain D that are assumed to be uniquely identifiable by the speaker; in a question like (423a), it is presupposed that the listener is able to identify the referent of the noun phrase mijn sleutels. And, just as in the case of the definite article, noun phrases with a referential possessive pronoun may introduce new entities into domain D that are somehow anchored to some known entity in domain D. An example such as (423b) does not presuppose that the listener knows who Janʼs wife is, but that the mention of Jan is sufficient to anchor the referent of the noun phrase zijn vrouw'his wife' to someone related to him.
a. | Heb | je | mijn sleutels | misschien | gezien? | |
have | you | my keys | maybe | seen | ||
'Did you by any chance see my keys?' |
b. | Ik | zag | Jan daarnet. | Zijn vrouw | ligt | in het ziekenhuis. | |
I | saw | Jan just.now | his wife | lies | in the hospital | ||
'I saw Jan just now. His wife is in the hospital.' |
Noun phrases with a referential possessive pronoun, like definite noun phrases, also exhibit exceptions to the general requirement that the noun phrase be uniquely referring. For example, if the noun phrase refers to a body part, like a leg or a hand, the noun phrase may be singular, thus leaving some vagueness with respect to which of the (two) hands or legs is intended; cf. example (424a). Something similar occurs with kinship nouns; an example such as (424b) does not presuppose that the speaker has only one nephew — apparently, it is not the referent that matters here but the relationship between the speaker and the person referred to. A similar case involving a non-kinship noun is given in (424c), which expresses that the train the speaker took that day was delayed.
a. | Jan schopte | tegen mijn been. | |
Jan kicked | against my leg |
b. | Mijn neef | is ziek. | |
my nephew | is ill | ||
'My nephew is ill.' |
c. | Mijn trein | had | weer eens | vertraging. | |
my train | had | again once | delay | ||
'My train again had a delay.' |
Due to the overlap in meaning between referential possessive pronouns and definite articles, the noun phrases introduced by a possessive pronoun in the primeless examples of (425) are virtually synonymous with the noun phrases in the primed examples, with a definite article and a postnominal possessive van-PP. This suggests that, apart from its reference, the meaning of the referential possessive pronouns in the primeless examples consists of two parts that correspond to, respectively, the meaning of the definite article and the modifying van-phrase in the primed examples: the first part involves definiteness, and the second part involves the partitioning of the set denoted by the head noun into two subsets, namely a subset that is in the relevant semantic relation with the referent of the possessive pronoun and a subset that is not.
a. | mijn/jouw/zijn | boek | |
my/your/his | book |
a'. | het boek | van mij/jou/hem | |
the book | of me/you/him |
b. | ons/jullie/hun | boek | |
our/your/their | book |
b'. | het boek | van ons/jullie/hun | |
the book | of us/you/them |
Since referential possessive pronouns are inherently definite, possessed indefinite noun phrases normally involve the presence of an indefinite article and a postnominal possessive van -PP, as in (426). As always, the indefinite article expresses that the intersection A ∩ B has the cardinality 1, without any implication for the remainder of set A, that is, A - (A ∩ B) may or may not be empty.
a. | een boek | van mij/jou/hem/haar | |
a book | of me/you/him/her | ||
'a book of mine/yours/his' |
b. | een boek | van ons/jullie/hun | |
a book | of us/you/them | ||
'a book of ours/yours/theirs' |
For completeness’ sake, observe that the complement of the preposition van is a personal object pronoun, and not, as in English, a(n inflected) possessive pronoun like in a book of mine/yours/his/hers.
Example (427a) shows that indefiniteness can also be inherited from the existentially quantified possessive pronoun iemands'someoneʼs'. That the complete noun phrase is indefinite is clear from the fact that the noun phrase iemands auto can occur in the expletive er-construction. The possessive pronoun in this example again introduces a partitioning of set A, but the speaker leaves open which subset of A is intended. The universally possessive pronoun also introduces a partitioning of set A, but now it is claimed that all subsets of A are subsets of B. As a result (427b) expresses more less the same thing as the simpler sentence De/Alle autoʼs staan verkeerd geparkeerd'The/All cars are wrongly parked', which perhaps accounts for the fact that (427b) feels somewhat marked.
a. | Er | staat | iemands auto | verkeerd | geparkeerd. | |
there | stands | someoneʼs car | wrongly | parked | ||
'Someoneʼs car is wrongly parked.' |
b. | Ieders auto | staat | verkeerd | geparkeerd. | |
everyoneʼs car | stands | wrongly | parked | ||
'Everyoneʼs car is wrongly parked.' |
The reciprocal form elkaars'each otherʼs' and the interrogative and relative form wiens'whose' also introduce a partitioning of set A. In (428a), the cardinality of the antecedent of the possessive pronoun is equal to the cardinality of the partitioning of set A, and the members of the antecedent and the relevant subsets of set A are reciprocally related to each other: set A consists of three essays, each by a different pupil, and each of the pupils admires the essays written by the other pupils. In question (428b), it is assumed that the set of books is divided into subsets defined by, e.g., ownership, and the speakers asks, about a certain subset of books, to whom it belongs. In the relative construction in (428c), a certain partitioning is presupposed and used in order to enable the addressee to pick out the intended referent of the complete noun phrase.
a. | Die drie leerlingen | bewonderen | elkaars | opstel. | |
those three pupils | admire | each.otherʼs | essay |
b. | Wiens boeken | zijn | dit? | |
whose books | are | these |
c. | de man | wiens boeken | ik | gelezen | heb | |
the man | whose books | I | read | have |
The possessive pronouns owe their name to the fact that, in many cases, they refer to the possessor of the referent of the complete noun phrase; the noun phrase mijn boek'my book' typically refers to a book that is in the possession of the speaker. However, the term possessive pronoun (or possessive noun phrase more generally) is a misnomer since the kind of relation between the referent of the pronoun and the referent of the complete noun phrase is not always restricted to possession; the noun phrase mijn boek may also involve, e.g., a relation of authorship. In the following subsections we briefly discuss two systematic kinds of relation the referent of the possessive pronouns and the referent set of the complete noun phrase may enter into. The discussion in the following subsections does not aim at exhaustivity given that the creative powers of the language users far exceed our descriptive potential.
In a sense, the relation expressed between the referent of the possessive pronoun/noun phrase (from now on: possessor) and the referent of the full noun phrase in (429a) could be described as a relation of possession. However, the more general interpretation is that there is a kinship relation between the possessor and the referent of the full noun phrase. From the use of the noun moeder it can be inferred that there must be a daughter or a son, and (429a) expresses that the possessor is in this kinship relation to the referent of the full noun phrase; cf. Section 2.2.2. Examples such as (429b), which expresses that the referent of the proper noun is part of the addresseeʼs family, probably fall into the same category; this use of the possessive pronoun is particularly common when referring to members of the family, dear friends or favorite pets, even in those cases where the proper noun by itself would have sufficed for purposes of identification.
a. | zijn/Jans | moeder | |
his/Janʼs | mother |
b. | jullie | Jan | |
yourpl | Jan |
That noun phrases containing a possessor can be truly ambiguous between the possessive reading and a reading involving some implied relationship can be made clear by means of the examples in (430). Since a house typically invokes the idea of an occupant, the inferred relation reading simply expresses that the referent of the possessive pronoun is living in the house in question, whereas on the possessive reading this person is actually the owner of the house. Example (430a) is only compatible with the inferred reading, whereas (430b) is compatible with the true possessive reading (and it may also be compatible with the inferred reading, in which case Jan is subletting the house).
a. | Jan huurt | zijn huis | van een Amerikaan. | |
Jan rents | his house | from an American |
b. | Jan verhuurt | zijn huis | aan een Amerikaan. | |
Jan rents.out | his house | to an American |
A special case of the inferred relation is the case in which the possessive pronoun/noun phrase can enter into a thematic relationship with the head noun. This is especially clear with deverbal nouns like behandeling'treatment', which is derived from and inherits the thematic structure of the transitive verb behandelen'to treat'; cf. Section 2.2.3. Consider the examples in (431). In (431b) it is shown that the agentive argument of the verb behandelen may appear as a prenominal possessor in the noun phrase. If there is no postnominal van-PP, as in (431c), the prenominal possessor may be interpreted as expressing the agent or the theme.
a. | Zij/MarieAgent | behandelt | hem/PeterTheme. | |
she/Marie | treats | him/Peter | ||
'She/Marie is treating him/Peter.' |
b. | haar/MariesAgent | behandeling | van hem/PeterTheme | |
her/Marieʼs | treatment | of him/Peter |
c. | zijn/PetersAgent/Theme | behandeling | |
his/Peterʼs | treatment |
With non-derived nouns, the possessor may also be an argument of the noun. Example (429a) above, which involves a kinship noun, may actually be used to illustrate this: the noun moeder'mother' selects an argument which is in a parent-child relation with the referent of the noun phrase. Other nouns that typically have this property are the so-called picture nouns like foto'photo' in (432); cf. Section 2.2.5. The prenominal possessor in (432b) can be interpreted as the maker of the picture, that is, with a similar semantic role as the subject of the sentence in (432a). If the postnominal van-PP is absent, as in the (c)-examples, the prenominal possessor can be interpreted either as the maker or as the person depicted. Of course, all prenominal possessor in (432) can also be interpreted as the possessor of the picture in question.
a. | Zij/MarieAgent | maakt | een foto | van hem/PeterTheme. | |
she/Marie | makes | a photo | of him/Peter | ||
'She/Marie is making a picture of him/Peter.' |
b. | haar/MariesAgent | foto | van hem/PeterTheme | |
her/Marieʼs | photo | of him/Peter |
c. | haar/MariesAgent | foto | |
her/Marieʼs | photo |
c'. | zijn/PetersTheme | foto | |
his/Peterʼs | photo |
For our present purposes the examples in (431) and (432) suffice. For a more extensive discussion of the thematic structure of nouns and the semantic roles that the prenominal possessors may have, see Chapter 2.
- 1976<i>Hebben</i>-konstrukties en indirekt-objektkonstructiesNijmegenUniversity of NijmegenThesis
