The examples in (102) show that partitive genitive adjectives can be modified by regular intensifiers like erg/heel/zeer'very' and vrij/nogal'rather'. As with attributive and predicative adjectives, the adverb immediately precedes the partitive genitive. Observe further that only the adjective has an -s suffix attached to it; the intensifier is not inflected.

Section 1.2 has shown that some adjectives are ambiguous between an adverbial and adjectival interpretation: goed 'well/good' and erg 'very/terrible' can either be used as an intensifier that modifies the partitive genitive, as is illustrated in the primeless examples of (103), or as a partitive genitive adjective, as in the primed examples. Despite the fact that the intensifier heel 'very' in (103c) may optionally carry the adjectival -e inflection in examples such as een hele lekkere boterham 'a very nice sandwich' (cf. Section 5.2, sub IV), it cannot be used as a predicative adjective, which correctly predicts (103c') to be ungrammatical.

Section 3.1.4, sub II, has shown that in some cases modification is also possible by means of a nominal measure phrase. This is typically the case with measure adjectives of the sort given in (104).

Despite the fact that the modified APs act as predicates in these examples, they cannot readily be used in the partitive genitive construction. This is shown in (105). The relative judgments on the examples in (105) do more or less correspond to the judgments on the predicative constructions in (104).

It is not clear why the examples in (105) are marginal. Perhaps this is related to the fact that the intended meaning can be expressed by means of the constructions in (106), in which the nominal measure phrase is preceded by the preposition van'of'. Observe that the adjectives are not inflected with a partitive genitive -s suffix in these cases, which suggests that we are dealing here with regular noun phrases comparable to een kast van twee meter hoog'a cupboard of two meters high'.

      Partitive genitives derived from breed, hoog, oud and zwaar can be modified by means of a regular intensifier, as shown in (107). Section 1.3.2.2, sub ID, has shown that the measure adjectives in the copular constructions in (104) cannot be replaced by their antonyms. This is possible in the examples in (107), however, which suggests that the adjectives in (107) do not function as the “neutral" form of the measure adjectives.

Considered from this perspective, the partitive genitives in (108), which are modified by the nominal phrase twee keer zo'twice as', must involve regular scalar adjectives as well. Note in passing that the primed examples show that these acceptable partitive genitive constructions do not alternate with van-constructions of the type in (106), which may support the earlier suggestion that the examples in (105) are blocked by those in (106).

      The primeless examples in (109) show that comparatives and adjectives that are modified by the degree element te'too' can also be modified by nominal modifiers. The primed examples show, however, the use of such nominal modifiers yields an unacceptable result in the partitive genitive construction.

For completeness’ sake, (110) shows that nominal structures comparable to those in (106) are generally excluded as well. The examples with the nominal phrase vijftig gulden'fifty guilders' seem fully acceptable, which is compatible with the earlier suggestion that the partitive genitive construction may be blocked by a nominal construction of the type in (106), although it still leaves the unacceptability of een stuk and een beetje unaccounted for.

Adjectives in the equative degree may appear in partitive genitive constructions. If they are accompanied by a comparative als-phrase, there is a slight preference to place the latter after the verb(s) in clause-final position. This is illustrated in (111).

Example (109a) has already demonstrated that comparatives can be used in the partitive genitive construction. If the comparative is followed by a dan-phrase, there is again a preference to place the latter after the verb(s) in clause-final position, as shown in the (a)- and (b)-examples in (112). The (c)-examples show that the periphrastic comparatives behave in the same way as the morphologically complex ones.

The Head-final Filter on attributive adjectives, discussed in Section 5.3, sub IB, excludes attributive structures with the post-adjectival intensifier genoeg 'enough' , regardless of the place of the -e inflection; see Section 5.3, sub IIB, for a more accurate discussion.

Predicative constructions, on the other hand, are grammatical if the adjective is modified by genoeg: Zijn inzet was groot genoeg'His dedication was big enough'. Since we have seen that partitive genitive adjectives pattern with predicative adjectives, we expect that partitive genitive constructions are possible as well, but this expectation is not borne out: the examples in (114) show that the construction is marginal, irrespective of the position of the -s suffix.

      Section 3.1.3, sub ID, has shown that the intensifying phrase zo A mogelijk 'as A as possible' exhibits exceptional behavior with respect to the Head-final Filter; provided that the -e ending surfaces on the intensifier, attributive use of this phrase is possible: een zo groot mogelijke inzet 'an as large as possible dedication' . Predicative use is of course also possible: zijn inzet was zo groot mogelijk 'his dedication was as large as possible' . In the partitive genitive construction, modification by this intensifying phrase is possible as well. The inflectional pattern is similar to that in the attributive structure: the -s suffix must be realized on the post-adjectival intensifier mogelijk and not on the adjective groot .

      The examples in (70) have already shown that scalar adjectives in the positive degree can be modified by the intensifier te'too' in the partitive genitive construction; this is illustrated again in (116a). The intensifier itself may also be modified in turn, which gives rise to the more complex constructions in (116b&c): in (116b), te is modified by veel, and in (116c), it is modified by the phrase niet al. Observe that the adjective itself cannot be modified by these elements: *iets veel/niet al duurs.

Adjectives modified by te 'too' can optionally be followed by an infinitival degree clause; cf. Section 3.1.3, sub II. The examples in (117) show that addition of an infinitival clause yields a degraded result in the partitive genitive construction if it is placed in preverbal position; placement of the clause in postverbal position improves the result considerably. We have seen a similar effect in the comparative/superlative constructions in Subsection III.

      The intensifying phrase zo A'so A' is often accompanied by a finite degree clause. Again, the partitive genitive construction is degraded if the degree clause occupies the preverbal position, whereas placement of the clause in postverbal position improves the result considerably. This is illustrated in (118).

Example (119a) shows that, unlike the other modifying adverbs, the element zo may also precede noun phrases such as een boek'a book', and (119b) show that it can also precede the complete partitive genitive construction. In these cases, however, zo seems to behave like a demonstrative rather than like a modifier; that it need not act as a modifier of the adjective in (119b) is clear from the fact that the adjective can be dropped without causing unacceptability.

Still, as is shown in (120a&b), zo in pre-pronominal position can license a degree clause, just like zo in post-determiner position; cf. the examples in (118). When we compare the primeless and primed examples in (120), it becomes clear that dropping the adjective yields a degraded result in this case. This strongly suggests that if zo is associated with a degree clause, it may modify the adjective, regardless of its position with respect to the pronoun.