The examples in (113) show that the determiner of det-inf nominalizations can be realized by the definite article, a demonstrative, or a possessive pronoun; a genitive form of a proper noun is also possible. These examples further show that det-inf nominalizations have the feature +neuter: they take the definite article het and the demonstrative determiners dat'that' and dit'this'; cf. Table 1.

Although det-infs can be preceded by a definite determiner, they do not normally co-occur with an indefinite article, as is shown by (114a). Still, there are some cases in which an indefinite article can be used. These concern noun phrases like (114b&b'), which are headed by a nominalization derived from an input verb that denotes an emission of sounds, and in which the infinitive is usually pre- or postmodified.

In addition, there are occasional inf-nominalizations that obligatorily combine with the indefinite article. This particular use of the infinitive is either entirely nonproductive, as in the idiomatic constructions in (115a), or very restricted, as in the more or less fixed template het op een Vinfinitive zetten (115b), in which the position Vinfinitive can be filled only by a limited number of verbs.

Another difference with most nouns is that inf-nominalizations cannot be pluralized. They also differ from true nouns in that they cannot be quantified or questioned. These characteristics are illustrated in (116).

All inf-nominalizations denote abstract entities, more specifically states of affairs: they refer to the event or situation denoted by the verb from which they derive. As such, they exhibit a number of properties characteristic of verbs. First, (117) shows that inf-nominalizations may be modified for manner, frequency or duration. Second, example (117b) shows that in the det-inf pattern, the adverbial (= bare) form of the adjective can be used alongside the adjectival form, ending in -e. Note that it cannot be established which of the two forms is used in the bare-inf pattern in (117a), since the -e ending only surfaces if the adjective is preceded by a definite determiner.

Unlike what is the case with the deverbal ing-, ge- and er-nouns, the theme argument of the bare-inf nominalizations may appear as a noun phrase in prenominal position, as shown in (118a); realizing the theme as a postnominal van-PP, as in (118b), is also possible, but this is a less preferred option. Again this is a property typical for verbs, not nouns.

The preferred pattern for realizing the theme in det-inf nominalizations like those in (119) is the opposite of that in bare-inf nominalizations: the theme can appear as a prenominal noun phrase, as in (119a), but it is preferred to have it as a postnominal van-PP, as in (119b); see Section 2.2.3.2 for more discussion.

An inf-nominalization of an intransitive verb always has one argument (typically the agent), although, unlike what is the case with the verbal construction, the realization of the agent is not compulsory. If the agent is realized, it may appear either postnominally in the form of a van-PP, or prenominally in the form of a genitive noun phrase or a possessive pronoun. This is illustrated in (120b&b') for the nominal infinitive derived from the intransitive verb lachen'to laugh'. Observe that, although we are dealing with a case of nominalization, the deverbal noun is given the category INF-N, rather than N, in order to signal the special nature of the nominal infinitive, with its combination of nominal and verbal features.

An inf-nominalization of a transitive verb inherits both arguments of the input verb. This is illustrated in (121a) for the inf-nominalizations derived from the verb verzamelen'to collect'. Example (121b) shows that, just as in the case of the agent, realization of the theme is optional.

However, if the agent is realized, the theme is normally obligatorily expressed by means of a prenominal noun phrase or a postnominal van-PP. This is illustrated in (122) for cases in which the agent is expressed by means of a prenominal genitive noun phrase or possessive pronoun.

If the agent is expressed as a postnominal PP. its form depends on the realization of the theme: if the theme argument occurs prenominally as a noun phrase, the agent will be expressed by means of a van-PP, as shown in (123b); if the theme is realized postnominally as a van-PP, the agent will normally be realized by means of a door-PP, as shown in (123b). Since (123b) is probably the most unmarked way of expressing the intended proposition, we marked the other examples with a question mark.

It should be noted, however, that in construction with a postnominal theme PP introduced by van, it is sometimes possible to add an agent PP also introduced by van. Example (124a) shows that such constructions are fully acceptable only if the determiner takes the form of a demonstrative. The contrast between (124a) and (124b) furthermore suggests that the theme PP must contain an indefinite noun phrase. This restriction may be due to the fact that in the case of a definite noun phrase, the second van-PP is likely to be interpreted as modifying the noun postzegels, i.e., with Peter as the possessor of the stamps; see Section 2.2.3.2, sub I, for more details.

Deverbal nouns derived from ditransitive verbs also inherit the argument structure of the input verb, but instances where all three arguments are explicitly mentioned are not very common: realization of the recipient (and the agent) is typically optional, whereas the theme argument is normally present. Like the theme argument, the recipient may appear in prenominal position, in which case it may take the form of a noun phrase as in (125b). As in clauses, the recipient can also be realized as an aan-PP, in which case it may occur either in pre- or postnominal position, as shown by (125b'). If the theme argument is realized as van-PP, the recipient must also appear in postnominal position, as shown by (125b'').

Unaccusative verbs can also be the input for infinitival nominalization. The theme argument is inherited from the input verb, but is normally optionally expressed. The theme argument cannot occur as a prenominal noun phrase, but must be realized as a postnominal van-PP, as is shown by (126b'&b''). Since bare-inf nominalizations prefer the realization of their argument as a prenominal noun phrase, they only occur if the theme argument is left implicit, as in the generic example in (126b).

Verbs such as jagen op'to hunt', which select a PP-theme, can also be nominalized. Again the nominalized structure may take the form of a bare-inf or a det-inf. In either case the preposition selected by the input verb is inherited by the nominalization. In the bare-inf nominalization in (127b), the PP-themes are acceptable both in pre- and in postnominal position, whereas in the det-inf nominalization in (127b') there is a clear preference for placing the PP-theme in postnominal position.