Section 3.1 has discussed modification of the scalar adjectives. The modifier is typically an amplifier such as zeer'very' or a downtoner such as vrij'rather', which scale upwards or downwards from some tacitly assumed standard value or norm. In order to illustrate this, we repeat the schematic representation in (7) for the adjectives goed'good' and slecht'bad/evil' as (258).

The representation in (258) will make clear that the implications in (259) are valid; the adjective in (259a) is preceded by the amplifier zeer, and we may conclude from the fact that zeer A holds that A also holds; the adjective in (259b) is preceded by the downtoner vrij, and we may conclude from the fact that vrij A holds that A holds as well.

      The implications are different when the adjectives are absolute. Take as an example the polar adjectives leeg'empty' and vol'full', which seem to refer to the boundaries of the scale in (260). The use of the modifiers vrij and zeer with these adjectives implies that we are referring to some point between the two boundaries.

The representation in (260) shows that, in the case of an absolute adjective, we cannot conclude from the fact that if zeer/vrij A holds that A holds as well; in fact, we have to conclude that A does not hold.

Of course, the discussion above is an idealization of reality, as the adjective vol'full' can sometimes also be used as a scalar adjective. In everyday practice vol is generally not used in the sense of “100% filled". A cup of coffee is called vol even if it is not filled up to the rim (actually, if it were it would be too full). On this interpretation of vol, we can conclude from the fact that zeer vol is applicable that vol is applicable as well. For the sake of argument, however, we have assumed vol to mean “100% filled" in the example above.
      The fact that the logical implications in (259) do not hold for absolute adjectives implies that semantic representations like those in (8) in Section 3.1.2, repeated here as (262), cannot be used to express the meaning contribution of the modifiers of absolute adjectives.

This shows that modifiers of absolute adjectives do not refer to some degree on an implied scale, which is also supported by the fact that they can also be used with, e.g., geometrical adjectives, which do not involve scales at all. Just as vrij/zeer leeg in (261) implies that the bottle is not empty, vrij/zeer rond'rather/very round' in (263a) implies that the logical subject of the AP is not round; Janʼs face merely shows some resemblance to a round shape. This intuition can be represented as in (263b) by assuming that the modified APs denote certain mutually exclusive partitions of some larger set of entities. In order to avoid confusion, note that the circles in (263b) indicate sets, and do not represent the geometrical forms.

Something similar holds for color adjectives such as rood'red'. When the leaves of the trees change colors in autumn, we may use the expressions in (264a), thereby indicating that some of the leaves have already changed colors, or that the leaves have partly changed colors. Similarly, we may use (264b) to indicate that Janʼs face is partly red.

      The examples in (261) to (264) have in common that the modifiers indicate that the subject of adjective A cannot be (fully) characterized as having the property denoted by A; it merely has some property that resembles it. The absolute adjectives can, however, also be preceded by a modifier that indicates that the property does hold in full. Some examples with the modifier helemaal'completely' are given in (265).

From now on, we will call the modifiers with the properties of those in (261), (263) and (264) approximative, and their counterparts in (265) absolute. We will discuss these approximative and absolute modifiers in Subsections II and III.

Many approximative modifiers indicate that the property denoted by the adjective is almost or nearly applicable. Some examples involving adverbs are given in (266).

Occasionally, more complex phrases like zo goed als'as good as' in (267a) are used; the expression op sterven na dood in (267b) is idiomatic.

      The examples in (268) show that approximatives normally cannot be used with scalar adjectives. The only exceptions are modifiers like vrij'rather' and zeer'very', which can be used both as an intensifier and as an approximative modifier; see Subsection I for examples.

Possible exceptions to this general rule are given in (269). In these examples, the approximative modifier bijna'nearly' indicates that the gradable adjective is almost applicable. These examples are, however, hard to judge, as bijna can also be used as a clausal adverb. This is clear from the fact that topicalization of the adjective in isolation (also) seems possible.

For completeness’ sake, note that goed'good', which has been given above as a scalar adjective, can also be used as an absolute adjective, in which case it means “correct" and stands in opposition to the adjective fout'wrong'. Example (270) is therefore not a counterexample to the claim that approximatives cannot be combined with scalar adjectives; the fact that goed can here only be interpreted as “correct" in fact supports it.

      The approximatives in (266) indicate that the adjective is nearly applicable. With those in (271) the implied “distance" is larger, but remains relatively vague. This vagueness does not arise with the modifiers in (272), which indicate quite precisely what the “distance" is.

      Occasionally, approximatives can themselves be modified by an adverb like al'already' or nog'still'. These adverbs indicate that the entity modified by the approximative is changing: al indicates that it is coming “closer" to the property denoted by the adjective whereas nog indicates that it is moving in the other direction. While drinking wine, one may utter (273a) or (273b), but not (273a') or (273b'), as we are in the process of emptying bottles. When one is bottling wine, on the other hand, only the primed examples are appropriate.

      Approximative modifiers normally cannot occur in negative clauses: examples such as (274) are only acceptable if used to cancel some assumption held by or attributed to the addressee. In this respect, the approximatives differ sharply from the absolute modifiers; cf. example (279).

      The examples in (275) deserve special mention. In (275a), the approximative modifier vrijwel modifies the negative adverb niet, which in turn modifies the scalar antonym versneden'diluted' of the absolute adjective puur/onversneden'neat/undiluted'. It feels as if the combination niet versneden behaves as a complex absolute adjective on a par with puur/onversneden. In (275b), the modifier nauwelijks'hardly' is inherently negative, and seems to act as a kind of approximative: nauwelijks versneden is more or less synonymous with vrijwel puur'almost neat'. Examples (275c&d) show that the modifier nauwelijks can be combined neither with an absolute adjective like puur'neat', nor with a scalar adjective like lekker'tasty' that does not have an absolute antonym.

      Finally, it should be observed that approximative modifiers cannot be combined with inherently amplified absolute adjectives, such as eivol/bomvol 'crammed-full' and kurkdroog 'bone-dry' , in which the first morpheme emphasizes the fact that the property denoted by the adjective holds in full. This is illustrated in (276); see also the discussion of example (36) in Section 3.1.2, sub IE, and example (280) in Subsection III below.

Absolute modifiers indicate that the property denoted by the adjective applies in full. Some examples are given in the primeless examples of (277). The primed examples show that, just like approximatives, absolute modifiers cannot modify scalar adjectives.

      Like the approximatives, absolute modifiers can be modified by adverbs like al'already' and nog'still'; al indicates that the logical subject of the modified AP has completed a process of change, as a result of which the adjective has become applicable; nog indicates that a process of change is expected to take place but has not yet started, as a result of which the adjective is still applicable. While drinking wine, one may utter the primeless, but not the primed, examples in (278), as we are in the process of emptying bottles. When one is bottling wine, on the other hand, only the primed examples are appropriate.

Unlike the approximative modifiers, absolute modifiers are possible in negative clauses; cf. example (274). Observe that if the element meer is added, as in (279b), it is implied that the property denoted by the adjective was applicable some time before. In this respect, niet ... meer acts as the antonym of al in (278).

      The examples in (280) show that, like approximative modifiers, absolute modifiers cannot be used with inherently amplified absolute adjectives like eivol/bomvol'crammed-full' and kurkdroog'bone-dry'. This is due to the fact that the first morpheme already indicates that the property denoted by the adjective holds in full.