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19.1.2.1.Proper nouns
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The examples in (86) show that in standard Dutch proper nouns are not usually preceded by an article. Given that proper nouns are normally used to uniquely identify an entity in the domain of discourse (domain D), this is not really surprising. Since the function of an indefinite article is mainly to convey that at least one entity matches the description of the NP, its addition is superfluous in the case of a proper noun. And since the function of a definite article is to indicate that the entity referred to can be uniquely identified, its use would lead to redundancy, since proper nouns typically have a unique referent. Consequently, adding an article to proper nouns like Marie and Rotterdam in (86) would lead to a strange result.

86
a. Marie woont in Rotterdam.
  Marie lives in Rotterdam
b. Ik zag Marie gisteren.
  I saw Marie yesterday
c. Ik ga morgen naar Rotterdam.
  I go tomorrow to Rotterdam

Despite its semantic redundancy, the definite article can co-occur with a proper noun in certain Dutch dialects and in standard German; cf. German dernom Peterthe Peter. The fact that a determiner is possible in these cases may be related to the fact that its presence allows case to be expressed morphologically, as is clear from the nominative form of the German article in the example above. The impossibility of the definite article in standard Dutch may therefore be related to the absence of morphological case marking in that language. For further discussion of the use of articles with proper nouns, see Alexiadou et al. (2007:183 ff.).

There are several exceptions to the general rule that proper nouns are not preceded by an article, which we will discuss in the following subsections.

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[+]  I.  Articles that are part of the proper noun

In some cases, a definite article can be construed as an inherent part of the name. Some examples of such proper nouns are given in (87).

87
a. het Gooi
an area in the center of the Netherlands
b. de Noordzee
the sea between Great Britain and the Netherlands
c. de Westerkerk
a church in Amsterdam
d. (Jan) de Graaf, (Peter) de Vries, (Marie) de Boer
family names

Examples such as (87) are not a purely lexical matter, since all kinds of subregularities can be found. We will not discuss these in detail here, but simply summarize the main findings of Haeseryn et al. (1997), to which we refer for further details and more examples. The definite article is common for geographical names, but not for names of continents, nations, counties and cities, except when the name is a syntactic plural (de Hebridenthe Hebrides) or when the organizational form is part of the name (de Sovjet Uniethe Soviet Union). Geographical names with a definite article include the names of mountains (de Snowdonsg the Snowdon; de Alpenpl the Alps), forests (het Zwarte Woudthe Black Forest), seas, lakes and rivers (de Noordzeethe North Sea; het IJsselmeer; de Rijnthe Rhine), and celestial bodies (de maanthe moon; de Melkwegthe Milky Way). Names of buildings, streets, parks, squares, etc. also take a definite determiner (de Westerkerk, het Damrak, het Vondelpark). The same goes for the names of organizations and societies (de Algemene Vereniging voor Taalwetenschapthe general society for linguistics), and the names of newspapers and magazines, especially when they contain the “kind” name (het Algemeen Dagblad the general daily versus Lingua). Finally, the names of cultural periods and certain festivities also take the definite article (de Renaissancethe Renaissance; het CarnavalCarnival).

[+]  II.  Modified proper nouns
[+]  A.  Restrictive modifiers

The examples in (88) show that the geographical proper noun Rotterdam cannot be construed with a definite article when on its own, but must be preceded by a definite article when a restrictive postnominal modifier such as van mijn jeugd is added. The semantic effect of adding the modifier is that Rotterdam is no longer construed as uniquely identified; the modifier invokes a reading according to which several different instantiations of Rotterdam can be discerned, located in the past, present, and future. As a result, the use of the definite article is no longer redundant, and hence (88b) is well-formed.

88
a. Ik denk vaak aan (*het) Rotterdam.
  I think often of the Rotterdam
b. Ik denk vaak aan *(het) Rotterdam van mijn jeugd.
  I think often of the Rotterdam of my childhood

Under similar conditions, the indefinite article een can be licensed. In example (89a), the indefinite noun phrase refers to an (imaginary) instantiation of Rotterdam that does not have a subway, and again the structure is perfectly acceptable.

89
a. Ik kan me een Rotterdam zonder metro niet voorstellen.
  I can refl a Rotterdam without subway not imagine
  'I cannot imagine a Rotterdam without a subway.'
b. * Ik kan me een Rotterdam niet zonder metro voorstellen.
c. Een Rotterdam zonder metro kan ik me niet voorstellen.
d. * Een Rotterdam kan ik me zonder metro niet voorstellen.

The acceptability of (90a) might suggest that the indefinite article is optional in this case, but the fact that the negative adverb nietnot in (90b) can intervene between the proper noun and the PP zonder metro shows that the two do not form a constituent in this case. This conclusion is supported by the topicalization data in (90c&d), which contrast sharply with those in (89c&d).

90
a. Ik kan me Rotterdam zonder metro niet voorstellen.
  I can refl Rotterdam without subway not imagine
b. Ik kan me Rotterdam niet zonder metro voorstellen.
c. ?? Rotterdam zonder metro kan ik me niet voorstellen.
d. Rotterdam kan ik me niet zonder metro voorstellen.

A restrictive modifier can also be used when the proper noun does not uniquely identify the intended referent in domain D. This may happen when domain D contains several persons named Jan. The modifier then helps the listener to pick out the intended referent, as in (91b). As shown in (91c), the modifier van hiernaast can also appear in the absence of the definite article, in which case the postnominal PP is not a restrictive modifier, but functions as a kind of non-restrictive modifier, facilitating the identification of the intended referent of the proper noun by restricting the topic of discourse to one of the people next door.

91
a. * de Jan
  the Jan
b. de Jan van hiernaast
  the Jan of next.door
c. Jan van hiernaast
  Jan of next.door
[+]  B.  Non-restrictive modifiers

Non-restrictive modifiers can also occur when an article is present, i.e. in cases where the reference would also be unequivocal without the modifier. Such noun phrases can be either definite or indefinite.

92
a. Voor de deur stond de lachende Peter.
  before the door stood the laughing Peter
b. Voor de deur stond een lachende Peter.
  before the door stood a laughing Peter
c. Voor de deur stond lachende Peter.
  before the door stood laughing Peter

The definite article in (92a), however, does not imply that there is more than one Peter, one of whom is laughing, but rather that the property denoted by the adjective lachendelaughing applies to the person referred to as Peter: the implication is that we are dealing with a characteristic property of Peter. The indefinite article in (92b), on the other hand, presents the fact that Peter laughs as a more incidental property of Peter, and suggests that there must be some special reason for this. The article-less example in (92c) evokes what might be called a (non-restrictive) “epithet” reading: again, there is no question of there being more than one Peter in the domain of discourse; the additional information, through close association with the person, becomes more or less part of the proper noun.

Other examples are given in (93) and (94). The definite examples in (93a) and (94a) make statements about Rotterdam and Karl Marx that confirm previously established knowledge. Example (93a) is most natural if it was mentioned earlier in the discourse that Rotterdam is burning, and (94a) reflects the speaker's knowledge that Karl Marx had a beard. In the indefinite (b)-examples, on the other hand, the modifiers introduce novel, out-of-the-ordinary information about the head noun: Rotterdam had not previously been mentioned as being in flames; Karl Marx had not previously worn a beard.

93
a. het brandende Rotterdam
  the burning Rotterdam
b. een brandend Rotterdam
  a burning Rotterdam
94
a. de bebaarde Karl Marx
  the bearded Karl Marx
b. een bebaarde Karl Marx
  a bearded Karl Marx

Of course, the (a)-examples need not imply that the hearer shares the speaker’s knowledge at the time these examples are uttered; if they do not, the hearer will be led to conclude that this is an established fact and that the attributive modifier is being used as a kind of epithet. The mere mention of de beeldschone Helenathe ravishing Helen in a novel invites the reader to infer that the character in question is extremely beautiful.

[+]  III.  Type versus token readings

Compare the examples in (94) with those in (95). The difference in acceptability is due to the fact that the adjective geborenborn in (95) expresses an individual-level property of the species (here: homo sapiens) to which the referent of the proper noun belongs, resulting in tautology in the case of the definite determiner, and nonsense in the case of the indefinite article. At least, this is true for the token reading of the proper noun, i.e. where the name is used with reference to the actual individual bearing that name.

95
a. $ de geboren Karl Marx
token
  the born Karl Marx
b. $ een geboren Karl Marx
token
  a born Karl Marx

On a type reading of the proper noun, however, these examples are acceptable. On this reading, Karl Marx does not represent the actual person who bears that name, but rather a set of properties that person is supposed to embody (e.g. being an intellectual with particular leadership skills). On this reading, the examples in (96) may be more or less equivalent to those in (97), where the common noun volksmennerdemagogue replaces Karl Marx.

96
a. (?) de geboren Karl Marx
type
  the born Karl Marx
b. een geboren Karl Marx
type
  a born Karl Marx
97
a. de geboren volksmenner
  the born demagogue
b. een geboren volksmenner
  a born demagogue

The type reading imposed on the proper nouns in (96) also shows up in another context in which proper nouns are combined with the indefinite article een. In (98), een Kluivert denotes the set of salient properties embodied by the person named Kluivert (a famous Dutch soccer player), not the person himself. Omitting the indefinite article changes the meaning from the type reading to the token reading; We hebben Kluivert in de ploeg means that the person named Kluivert plays on our team. The type reading can be enhanced by adding the attributive adjective echttrue or typischtypical to the indefinite noun phrase; in this case dropping the indefinite article does not lead to a token reading, but results in unacceptability. For completeness, note that example (98a) with the indefinite article is also acceptable under the “representative of the proper noun set” reading to be discussed in Subsection V below.

98
a. We hebben #(een) Kluivert in de ploeg.
type
  we have a Kluivert in the team
  'We have a player like Kluivert on our team.'
b. We hebben *(een) echte Kluivert in de ploeg.
type
  we have a true Kluivert in the team

In the examples in (98), the indefinite article can be replaced by the negative element geen, as in (99a). Note, however, that in some contexts the phrase geen Kluivert can actually designate the specific person whose name is Kluivert; example (99b) is a case in point.

99
a. We hebben geen (echte) Kluivert in de ploeg.
  we have no real Kluivert in the team
b. Ik zat al een uur te kijken, maar al wie ik zag, geen Kluivert.
  I sat already an hour to watch but all who I saw no Kluivert
  'I had been watching for an hour, but Kluivert I didnʼt see.'

The type reading of proper nouns preceded by the indefinite article is shown in a slightly different way in example (100c). Names of languages cannot normally be construed with an article, either definite or indefinite. But when the noun is postmodified, both the definite and the indefinite article are possible. The difference between (100b) and (100c) is on a par with that found in (88b) and (89a). The semantic contributions of the definite and indefinite articles are “the type of” and “a type of”, respectively. Note that it is not possible to replace the articles in (100b&c) with their (in)definite counterparts; the reason for this is not clear.

100
a. Hij spreekt Nederlands.
  he speaks Dutch
b. Hij spreekt het/*een Nederlands van een aristocraat.
  he speaks the/a Dutch of an aristocrat
  'He speaks the type of Dutch spoken by an aristocrat.'
c. Hij spreekt een/*het Nederlands dat niemand kan verstaan.
  he speaks a/the Dutch that nobody can understand
  'He speaks a type of Dutch that nobody understands.'
[+]  IV.  “For instance”

The indefinite article een, when combined with a proper noun, can have several other semantic effects. The first is what we may somewhat redundantly call a specific interpretation of the een + proper noun combination, instantiated by the examples in (101). In such examples, the indefinite article can easily be omitted without affecting the meaning, which is not surprising given that the proper noun itself already designates a specific person in the universe of discourse.

101
a. Hebben we überhaupt goede kandidaten voor deze baan?
speaker A
  have we at all good candidates for this job
b. Nou, ik noem bijvoorbeeld (een) Jansen of (een) Pieterse.
speaker B
  well I mention for example a Jansen or a Pieterse
  'Well, What about Jansen or Pieterse.'
[+]  V.  Representative of proper noun set

Consider the use of the Dutch indefinite article in combination with the family name Jansen in the answer in (102b) to question (102a). Here, Jansen refers to the set of members of the family named Jansen, and the use of een picks out one particular member from that set. In this particular context, the semantics of een is similar to the [+specific] meaning found when een is construed with common nouns.

102
a. Ken jij de familie Jansen?
speaker A
  know you the family Jansen
  'Do you know the Jansen family?'
b. Ja, ik heb nog met #(een) Jansen op school gezeten.
speaker B
  yes I have prt with a Jansen on school sat
  'Yes, I went to school together with a (member of the) Jansen (family).'

Surnames can also be used in the plural to refer to multiple members of a family; for example, (103a) can be used to refer to a representative set of a family, such as a married couple and their children. In (103b), the noun phrase is used for all members of the family.

103
a. De Jansens komen vanavond eten.
  the Jansens come tonight eat
  'The Jansens are coming to dinner tonight.'
b. De Oranjes zijn een oude familie.
  the Oranjes are an old family
[+]  VI.  “A certain”

The sentence uttered by speaker B in (102) is unambiguous in the context given; but out of context it allows an alternative reading in which the semantic contribution of een is that of English a certain, as in (104). In this reading, the indefinite article is optionally followed by the adjective zekerecertain. The implication of using this construction is that the speaker does not know the person in question: for the speaker, the name is merely a description that distinguishes the referent from people with other surnames, and does not (uniquely) identify this referent. In fact, the implication is that the addressee may not know the person either.

104
Er staat een (zekere) Jansen op je te wachten.
  there stands a certain Jansen on you to wait
'There is a (certain) Jansen waiting for you.'

In this usage, the indefinite article may also appear in a schwa-inflected form, spelled as ene and pronounced with the full vowel of the numeral één: [e:nə]. When ene is used, zekere cannot be inserted, as shown in (105). The use of ene has a slightly pejorative connotation: not only does the speaker not know the person in question, but he is also indifferent to him.

105
Er staat ene (*zekere) Jansen op je te wachten.
  there stands a certain Jansen on you to wait
'There is a certain (person called) Jansen waiting for you.'

This use of een/ene with proper nouns can be thought of as the opposite of the emphatic use of the definite article in examples of the type in (106). What the emphatic definite article expresses in the speaker’s response is that the person in question is not just any mortal named Eunice Burns, but that she is the unmistakable, well-known, famous, etc. Eunice Burns. Further discussion of emphatic definite articles can be found in Section 19.1.4.3, sub II.

106
a. Er staat ene Eunice Burns voor de deur.
speaker A
  there stands a Eunice Burns in.front.of the door
b. Niet ene Eunice Burns, de Eunice Burns.
speaker B
  not a Eunice Burns the Eunice Burns
[+]  VII.  Prototypical/metaphorical reading

With family names, the use of the attributive adjective echt/typisch results in a reading of “prototypical member of the family”. For example, (107) expresses that Philip IV has all the prototypical traits (in character or appearance) that are assumed to be common to individual members of the House of Habsburg.

107
Philips de vierde is een echte Habsburger.
  Philip IV is a true Habsburgian
'Philip IV is a prototypical member of the House of Habsburg.'

This use of proper nouns comes fairly close to the case where a proper noun is not used to refer to the (set of) entities normally referred to by a particular name, but instead is used metaphorically to refer to some property normally associated with that entity. Thus, in the examples in (108), the names of well-known persons or figures with a remarkable feature or talent are used to ascribe that feature or talent to another person. In these cases, the proper noun appears in predicative position and is often accompanied by some form of evaluation.

108
a. Hij is een echte Nero.
  he is a real Nero
  'He is a bad person.'
b. Hij is bepaald geen Bouwmeester.
  he is certainly no Bouwmeester
  'He is not exactly a great actor.'
c. Ze beschouwen hem als de Nederlandse Pavarotti.
  they regard him as the Dutch Pavarotti
  'They consider him a great tenor.'
[+]  VIII.  “Effected object”

A case where articles are combined with (personal) proper nouns is instantiated by the examples in (109). Here, the proper noun acts as a substitute for a noun denoting an object created by the bearer of the name in question; een Van Gogh refers to a painting by Van Gogh, a so-called “effected object” (hence the label).

109
a. De Van Gogh bij ons aan de muur is niet echt.
  the Van Gogh with us on the wall is not real
b. We hebben een Van Gogh aan de muur.
  we have a Van Gogh on the wall

One might wonder whether examples of this kind involve direct construal of definite articles with a proper noun. An alternative approach would be to say that the article is actually construed with an elliptical (common) noun denoting the work painted by Van Gogh. If so, the structure of the relevant noun phrases in (109) will be as indicated in (110a), with ∅ standing for the presumed elliptical noun. One potential problem with such an approach, however, is that in the case of definite reference, the “elliptical” construction requires the use of dethe, i.e. the non-neuter form of the definite article, whereas the (b)-examples show that the overtly expressed head can be either the non-neuter tekeningdrawing or the neuter noun schilderijpainting. The (a)-example and the two (b)-examples also differ in that the preposition van is obligatory in the latter, but impossible in the former.

110
a. een/de [∅ [Van Gogh]]
b. een/de tekening van Van Gogh
  a/the[‑neuter] drawing by Van Gogh
b'. een/het schilderij van Van Gogh
  a/the[+neuter] painting by Van Gogh

This suggests that the analysis in (110a) is not feasible and that we have to assume that the proper noun is construed directly with the determiner, i.e. acts like a regular common noun. This also accounts for the fact illustrated in (111) that these proper nouns allow a plural form.

111
Zij hadden daar minstens drie Van Goghs in de kelder staan.
  they had there at.least three Van Goghs in the cellar stand
'They had at least three Van Goghs standing in the cellar.'

Further evidence for direct construal of the proper noun and determiner can be found in Flemish Dutch, which differs from standard Dutch in that it has different articles for feminine and masculine nouns. The point is that the examples in (112) accept only the masculine articles den (definite) and nen (indefinite), while the putative elliptical nouns schilderyepainting and beeldsculpture are feminine and neuter, respectively; example (112b) shows that the choice of article is also independent of the biological sex of the creator, as the sculptor in question is a woman.

112
a. den/nen Matisse
a painting
  the/a Matisse
b. den/nen Dhaese
a sculpture
  the/a Dhaese
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