Table 2 in Subsection I has shown that predeterminer bare al can precede all definite determiners with equal ease. We illustrate this again in (23).

The examples in (24a-b) show that demonstrative pronouns can be assigned contrastive accent, and that the acceptability of examples of this type is preserved under backward conjunction reduction. NP-ellipsis in the second conjunct, as in (24c), leads to a slightly degraded result compared to its counterpart without al; cf. Ik ken wel deze mannen, maar niet die ∅. We will see, however, that predeterminer bare al performs better in this respect than other quantificational predeterminer elements like alle + Num, allebei, and heel; cf. Section 21.1.2.2, sub IB, and Section 21.2.2.1, sub II, for illustrations. -

The examples in (25a) show that possessive pronouns can also be assigned contrastive accent, and that backward conjunction reduction again does not affect the acceptability of examples of this type. NP-ellipsis in the second conjunct of example (25c) is impossible, which is to be expected, since this is also true for its counterpart without al; cf. *Ik ken wel zijn vrienden, maar niet haar ∅.

For completeness’ sake, example (26a) shows that predeterminer bare al can also be inserted to the left of possessive noun phrases; the semi-genitival construction (with the possessive marker zʼn) is somewhat marked, which may be due to the heaviness of the overall construction. The examples in (26b) show that predeterminer bare al can also precede nominalized possessive pronouns.

The examples in (27a-b) show that predeterminer bare al cannot occur in [-count] noun phrases with the indefinite article een. This also holds for an exclamative construction such as (27c) with the spurious article een and a plural noun; cf. Section 19.1.4.3).

Predeterminer bare al cannot combine with bare noun phrases (i.e. with the empty indefinite article ∅) either; this is illustrated in (28a-b) for abstract and concrete bare non-count nouns, and in (28c) for bare plurals.

Finally, note that bare al can occur in the fixed combination één en al (lit.: one and all), as in één en al ellendenothing but misery. This example may look deceptively similar to the non-count singular al ellende in (28a), but the complex modifier één en al differs from the predeterminer al in that the noun is normally singular; an exception is the use of plural één-en-al phrases as complementives; cf. example (29).

The collocation één en al also differs from al in that it makes a completely different semantic contribution, comparable to that of modifiers like volledigcomplete(ly), alleen maaronly or niets dannothing but, rather than that of a universal quantifier such as alall.

The indefinite determiner-like elements dat/dit soortsuch (lit.: that/this kind), which were discussed in Section 18.1.2, are compatible with al to their left. The demonstrative modifiers zulk/dergelijksuch exhibit essentially the same behavior as dat/dit soort, but since most speakers will find constructions of the type ?al zulke/dergelijke boekenall such books at least somewhat archaic, we will not illustrate such examples in the remainder of this subsection.

It is likely that al is not construed directly with the larger noun phrase, but forms a constituent with dat/dit soort. The reason for this is that noun phrases with predeterminer al are strong in the sense that they cannot occur as subject in presentative expletive er constructions such as (31a); cf. Section 21.1.1, sub IV. However, adding al to the weak noun phrase dat/dit soort N does not result in a strong noun phrase, which might lead to the conclusion that al is not construed with the full noun phrase, but only with the more deeply embedded definite noun phrase dat/dit soort.

The indefinite determiner-like element van diesuch in pseudo-partitive constructions, discussed in Section 20.4, sub I, does not allow bare al to its left, which is not really surprising since these spurious van-PPs actually function as indefinite noun phrases.

Neither weak quantifiers like enig(e)some and enkelesome, nor strong quantifiers like sommigesome, elkeach and iederevery can be preceded by predeterminer bare al.

The degree quantifiers veelmuch/many and weiniglittle/few need more discussion. In their bare form they cannot be preceded by al, which is not surprising since in this form they have the same function as the weak quantifiers in (33).

However, predeterminer bare al can at least marginally precede the inflected quantifiers velemuch/many or weinigelittle/few, provided that the construction without al is also acceptable. Examples like (36) are much better than the examples of quantified phrases with alle, alle + Num, allebei, beide and allemaal, which will be discussed in Section 21.1.2.2. Note that the PP-modifier must be present in these examples, regardless of whether al is present or absent.

Note in passing that the examples in (35) contrast sharply with al te veel N in (37a). In this construction al is an adverbial degree modifier of te veel and not a predeterminer. This is clear from the fact that noun phrases quantified by veel/weinig are indefinites and can therefore occur in expletive er constructions: since (37a) shows that noun phrases modified by al te veel pattern with noun phrases quantified by te veel, the assumption that al acts as a modifier of te veel seems reasonable. It is also plausible from a semantic point of view; besides a too-degree interpretation, al te veel can also receive a high-degree paraphrase, comparable to heel erg veelvery much in (37b), where heel also premodifies erg veel.

The predeterminer al can also be used when the noun phrase contains a cardinal numeral, although we find a split in the set of determiners: while the demonstrative and possessive pronouns in (38b-c) can be preceded by al, the definite article de in (38a) cannot.

Our judgment on (38a) with the cardinal may be controversial: relevant cases can be found on the internet and Haeseryn et al. (1997) mentions that speakers have varying judgments, but we have found that speakers usually reject noun phrases of this type in favor of the form alle drie de boeken (lit.: all three the books); cf. Section 21.1.2.2, sub I, for discussion and comparison. Note, however, that the examples in (38b&c) are usually accepted despite having similar alternants: alle drie die/mijn boeken (lit.: all three those/my books).

Predeterminer bare al cannot be construed with pronouns. Since al requires a plural noun phrase (when headed by a count noun), this is illustrated in (39) for the plural pronouns only. These examples are all unacceptable with al added, regardless of the order of al and the pronoun.

The examples in (40) show that predeterminer bare al cannot occur with proper nouns either, which may be surprising given that English all or French tout can be used in contexts like (40a). Section 21.2.2.1, sub IID, will show that Dutch uses heelall/whole in such contexts.

Note that al can directly precede the pronouns wat and wie in free relatives, as in (41), but it is not clear whether we are dealing here with predeterminer bare al; it may also be the case that al acts as the antecedent of the relative pronouns. We believe the latter to be correct, but since we have no conclusive evidence for either analysis, we leave the decision to future research.