- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Nouns and noun phrases (JANUARI 2025)
- 15 Characterization and classification
- 16 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. General observations
- 16.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 16.3. Clausal complements
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 17.2. Premodification
- 17.3. Postmodification
- 17.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 17.3.2. Relative clauses
- 17.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 17.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 17.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 17.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 17.4. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 18.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Articles
- 19.2. Pronouns
- 19.3. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Numerals and quantifiers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. Numerals
- 20.2. Quantifiers
- 20.2.1. Introduction
- 20.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 20.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 20.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 20.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 20.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 20.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 20.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 20.5. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Predeterminers
- 21.0. Introduction
- 21.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 21.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 21.3. A note on focus particles
- 21.4. Bibliographical notes
- 22 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 23 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Syntax
-
- General
This section on finite prepositional object (PO-)clauses is relatively short given that many of their properties and of the anticipatory pronominal PPs introducing them have been discussed in Section 2.3. PO-clauses never have the form of main clauses and come in two types: declarative clauses introduced by the complementizer dat'that' or interrogative clauses introduced by the complementizer of'whether' or some wh-phrase. Some examples are given in (240). The question as to whether a declarative or an interrogative clause will be used depends on the verb: a verb like klagen (over)'to complain (about)' in (240a) selects a declarative clause, whereas the verb twijfelen (over) in the (b)-examples selects an interrogative clause.
a. | dat | Jan (erover) | klaagde | [dat | Marie hem | steeds | plaagt]. | declarative | |
that | Jan about.it | complained | that | Marie him | always | teases | |||
'that Jan complained about it that Marie teases him all the time.' |
b. | dat | Jan (erover) | twijfelt | [of | hij | het boek | zal lezen]. | interrogative | |
that | Jan about.it | is.in.doubt | whether | he | the book | will read | |||
'that Jan is in doubt about whether heʼll read the book.' |
b'. | dat | Jan (erover) | twijfelt | [welk boek | hij | zal lezen]. | interrogative | |
that | Jan about.it | is.in.doubt | which book | he | will read | |||
'that Jan is in doubt about which book heʼll read.' |
The examples in (240) show that clause-final PO-clauses can be introduced by an anticipatory pronominal PP in the middle field of the clause. Depending on the verb in question, this PP can be optional or obligatory. The former holds for the verbs in (240) and the latter for the verbs in (241). An extensive sample of PO-verbs that can or cannot drop the anticipatory pronominal PP can be found in Section 2.3.1, sub VI.
a. | dat | Jan | *(ervan) | geniet | [dat | hij | rijk | is]. | |
that | Jan | of.it | enjoys | that | he | rich | is | ||
'that Jan enjoys it that heʼs rich.' |
b. | dat | Jan | *(erop) | rekent | [dat | Marie | zal | komen]. | |
that | Jan | on.it | counts | that | Marie | will | come | ||
'that Jan counts on it that Marie will come.' |
PO-clauses can be left-dislocated, in which case the anticipatory pronoun is replaced by a resumptive pronominal PP in the form of daar + P. This is illustrated in (242) for the examples in (240); the (discontinuous) resumptive PP is in italics.
a. | [Dat Marie hem | steeds | plaagt], | daar | klaagde | Jan over. | |
that Marie him | always | teases | there | complained | Jan about |
b. | [Of | hij het boek | zal lezen], | daar | twijfelt | Jan over. | |
whether | he the book | will read | there | is.in.doubt | Jan about | ||
'Whether heʼll read the book, that Jan is in doubt about.' |
b'. | [Welk boek | hij | zal lezen], | daar | twijfelt | Jan over. | |
which book | he | will read | there | is.in.doubt | Jan about |
Although some speakers seem to allow omission of the pronominal part of the resumptive PP, most people reject this. This is indicated in (243), in which pro stands for the empty/deleted resumptive pronominal part, by means of a percentage sign.
a. | % | [dat | Marie hem | steeds | plaagt] pro | klaagde | Jan over. |
that | Marie him | always | teases | complained | Jan about |
b. | % | [of | hij het boek | zal lezen] pro | twijfelt | Jan over. |
whether | he the book | will read | is.in.doubt | Jan about | ||
'Whether heʼll read the book, Jan doubts.' |
b'. | % | [Welk boek | hij | zal lezen] pro | twijfelt | Jan over. |
which book | he | will read | is.in.doubt | Jan about |
Note in passing that the fact that most speakers do not accept examples such as (243) may be a potential problem for Koster's proposal discussed in Section 5.1.2.2, sub III and Section 5.1.3, sub II, the substance of which was that apparent sentence-initial object and subject clauses are actually left-dislocated and that the first position of the sentence is in fact filled by an empty pronominal element pro. If the resumptive pronoun can be phonetically empty in the case of subject and object clauses, why is this excluded for most speakers in the case of PO-clauses? Note also that the examples in (243) do not improve if the prepositional part of the resumptive pronominal PP is left out. Although some speakers may perhaps marginally accept examples such as (244), they contrast sharply with the examples without an anticipatory PP in (240), which are fully grammatical.
a. | ?? | [Dat | Marie hem | steeds | plaagt] | klaagde | Jan. |
that | Marie him | always | teases | complained | Jan |
b. | *? | [Of | hij het boek | zal lezen] | twijfelt | Jan. |
whether | he the book | will read | is.in.doubt | Jan | ||
'that Jan is in doubt whether heʼll read the book.' |
b'. | *? | [Welk boek | hij | zal lezen] | twijfelt | Jan. |
which book | he | will read | is.in.doubt | Jan |
PO-clauses cannot be placed in the middle field of the clause, irrespective of whether or not an anticipatory PP is present. PO-clauses normally do not occur as part of the PP-complement of the verb either; examples such as (245) are quite marked compared to examples such as (240), which is indicated here by means of a question mark (although Section P2.4.1, sub I, discusses a number of exceptional circumstances that do seem to license PPs of the type in (245)).
a. | ? | dat | Jan klaagde [PP | over | [dat | Marie hem | steeds | plaagt]]. |
that | Jan complained | about | that | Marie him | always | teases |
b. | ? | dat | Jan twijfelt [PP | over | [of | hij | het boek | zal | lezen]]. |
that | Jan is.in.doubt | about | whether | he | the book | will | read |
b'. | ? | dat | Jan twijfelt [PP | over | [welk boek | hij | zal | lezen]]. |
that | Jan is.in.doubt | about | which book | he | will | read |
We want to conclude by noticing that there are als-clauses that can easily be erroneously analyzed as PO-clauses; We refer the reader to Paardekooper (1986:1.18.9, B2) for a concrete case of such a misanalysis, but we will use example (246a) for reasons of representation. The two examples in (246a) differ, however, in that the als-clause but not the dat-clause can be followed by dan'then' if the als-clause occurs on the first position of the utterance, suggesting that we are dealing with a conditional adverbial clause. This suggestion is supported by the fact that there is a sharp difference between the two variants of example (246c), in which the clauses appear as part of the PP-complement: whereas the dat-clause gives rise to a marked but interpretable result, the als-clause gives rise to an unacceptable and uninterpretable result.
a. | Jan klaagt | er | altijd | over | [dat/als | het | regent]. | |
Jan complains | there | always | about | that/if | it | rains | ||
'Jan always complains about it that/if it rains.' |
b. | [Als/*dat | het regent], | dan | klaagt | Jan er | altijd | over. | |
if/that | it rains | then | complains | Jan there | always | about | ||
'If it rains, Jan is always complaining about it.' |
c. | Jan klaagt | altijd [PP | over | [?dat/*als | het | regent]]. | |
Jan complains | always | about | that/if | it | rains | ||
Literally: 'Jan always complains about that it rains.' |
A final argument for assuming that the als-clause is a conditional adverbial clause is that it can occupy the sentence-initial position while the anticipatory pronominal PP erover is present; if the als-clause were a PO-clause, we would end up with two prepositional objects within a single clause. Analyzing the als-clause as a conditional adverbial phrase, on the other hand, is unproblematical given that we may then give (247a) a similar analysis as (247b).
a. | [Als | het regent] | klaagt | Jan er | altijd | over. | |
if | it rains | complains | Jan there | always | about | ||
'If it rains, Jan is always complaining about it.' |
b. | [Als | het regent] | klaagt | Jan altijd | over reuma. | |
if | it rains | complains | Jan always | about rheumatism | ||
'If it rains, Jan is always complaining about rheumatism.' |
For more discussion of the incorrect analysis of conditional als-clauses as argument clauses we refer the reader to Section 5.1.2.1, sub VI, to Section 5.1.3, sub I, for similar cases in the domain of object and subject clauses.
- 1986Beknopte ABN-syntaksisnullnullEindhovenP.C. Paardekooper
