Table 2 in Subsection I has shown that pre-determiner bare al can precede all definite determiners with equal ease. We illustrate this again in (24).

The (a)-examples in (25) and (26) show that the demonstrative and possessive pronouns can be assigned contrastive accent, and the (b)-examples that the acceptability of examples of this type is preserved under backward conjunction reduction. NP-ellipsis in the second conjunct, as in the (c)-examples, is at least degraded in comparison with the cases involving backward conjunction reduction. In this regard, pre-determiner bare al differs markedly from other quantificational pre-determiner elements like alle + Num, allebei and heel; see Section 7.1.2.2, sub IB, and Section 7.2.2.1, sub II, for illustration.

For completeness’ sake, it can be noted that pre-determiner bare al can also be inserted to the left of possessive noun phrases, as in (27), although the semi-genitival construction is perhaps somewhat marked, which may be due to the heaviness of the overall construction. According to Van der Lubbe (1978: 133), pre-determiner bare al sometimes also occurs between the noun phrase and the functional possessive pronoun, as in %vader al zʼn sigaren (lit.: father all his cigars), but he adds immediately that this will probably not be approved by many speakers; we have not been able to find similar examples. The examples in (27b) show that pre-determiner bare al can also precede nominalized possessive pronouns.

      Pre-determiner bare al cannot be construed with noun phrases like (28a&b) containing the indefinite article een. This is not even possible in the exclamative construction in (28c), where we are dealing with the spurious article een and a plural noun; cf. 5.1.4.2. Pre-determiner bare al cannot combine with bare noun phrases either, which is illustrated in the primed examples for, respectively, bare non-count nouns and bare plurals.

An example such as één en al ellende'nothing but misery' may look deceptively similar to the non-count singular in (28a), but the complex modifier één en al (lit.: one and all) differs from the pre-determiner al in that the noun is always singular. Eén en al also differs from al in making an entirely different semantic contribution, which is comparable to that of modifiers like volledig'complete(ly)', alleen maar'only' or niets dan'nothing but', not to that of a universal quantifier like al.

The indefinite determiner-like elements dat/dit soort'such' (lit.: that/this kind), which were discussed in Section 4.1.2, are compatible with al to their left. The demonstrative modifiers zulk/dergelijk'such' exhibit essentially the same behavior as dat/dit soort, but because most speakers find constructions of the type ?al zulke/dergelijke boeken'all such books' somewhat archaic, we will not illustrate such examples in the remainder of this subsection.

It is likely that in constructions of the type in (29), al is not construed with the larger noun phrase directly, but forms a constituent with dat/dit soort . Pre-determiner bare al phrases generally pattern with strong noun phrases, which was supported in Section 7.1.1, sub IV, by showing that these noun phrases cannot occur as the associate of er 'there' in expletive constructions such as (30a). Adding al to dat/dit soort N , which is itself a weak noun phrase, does not result in a strong noun phrase, however, which leads to the conclusion that al is only construed with the smaller definite noun phrase dat/dit soort .

      The indefinite determiner-like element van die 'such' in pseudo-partitive constructions, which was discussed in Section 4.1.1.6, sub I, does not allow bare al to its left, which is not really surprising since these spurious PPs actually act as indefinite noun phrases.

Neither weak quantifiers like enig(e)'some' and enkele'some', nor strong quantifiers like sommige'some', elk'each' and ieder'every' can be preceded by pre-determiner bare al.

      The quantifiers veel'much/many' and weinig'little/few' need some more discussion. If they are used in their bare form, they cannot be preceded by al, which is not surprising since in this form they have the same function as the quantifiers in (32).

However, pre-determiner bare al can at least marginally precede the inflected quantifiers vele'much/many' or weinige'little/few', provided at least that the construction without al is acceptable as well; examples such as (35) are substantially better than the examples of quantified phrases with alle, alle + Num, allebei, beide and allemaal that will be discussed in Section 7.1.2.2. Note that the PP-modifier must be present in these examples, regardless of whether al is present or absent.

Note in passing that the examples in (34) contrast sharply with al te veel N. In this construction al is not a pre-determiner but a modifier of te veel, which is clear from the fact that noun phrases quantified by veel/weinig are indefinites and can accordingly occur in expletive er'there' constructions. Since (36) shows that noun phrases modified by al te veel pattern with noun phrases quantified by te veel in this respect, the assumption that al acts as a modifier of te veel seems reasonable. It is also plausible from a semantic point of view; besides a too-degree interpretation, al te veel can also receive a high degree paraphrase with heel erg veel'very much', where heel erg premodifies veel as well.

      The pre-determiner al can also be used if the noun phrase contains a numeral, although we find a split in the set of determiners: whereas the demonstratives and possessives in (37b-d) can be preceded by al, the definite article de in (37a) cannot.

We have marked example (37a) as unacceptable with a numeral, despite the fact that Haeseryn et al. (1997) mention al de tien leerlingen 'all the ten pupils' as a case on which speakers have varying judgments; we have found that speakers as a rule reject noun phrases of this type, although we should add that we did find a small number of examples on the internet. Note that the intended meaning of example (37a) can be expressed by means of alle drie de boeken'all three the books' (similar alternants exist for (37b&c): alle drie die/mijn boeken); see Section 7.1.2.2, sub I, for discussion and comparison.

It is impossible for pre-determiner bare al to be construed with pronouns. Since al requires a plural noun phrase (if headed by a count noun), this is illustrated in (38) for the plural pronouns only. These examples are all ungrammatical with al added, regardless of the order of al and the pronoun.

      The examples in (39) show that pre-determiner bare al cannot occur with proper nouns either, which may be surprising given that English all or French tout can be used in contexts like (39a). Section 7.2.2.1, sub IID, will show that Dutch uses heel'all/whole' in contexts of this kind.

      Perhaps it should be mentioned here that al may also directly precede the pronouns wat and wie in free relatives like in (40), but it is not clear whether we are dealing with pre-determiner bare al here; it may also be the case that al acts as the antecedent of the relative clause. Since we have no conclusive evidence in support one of one of the two analyses, we will leave the decision to future research.