- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Nouns and noun phrases (JANUARI 2025)
- 15 Characterization and classification
- 16 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. General observations
- 16.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 16.3. Clausal complements
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 17.2. Premodification
- 17.3. Postmodification
- 17.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 17.3.2. Relative clauses
- 17.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 17.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 17.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 17.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 17.4. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 18.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Articles
- 19.2. Pronouns
- 19.3. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Numerals and quantifiers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. Numerals
- 20.2. Quantifiers
- 20.2.1. Introduction
- 20.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 20.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 20.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 20.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 20.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 20.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 20.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 20.5. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Predeterminers
- 21.0. Introduction
- 21.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 21.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 21.3. A note on focus particles
- 21.4. Bibliographical notes
- 22 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 23 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Syntax
-
- General
The R-word er behaves like a phonetically weak pronoun, whereas the other R-words behave like strong pronouns. This is illustrated in (115): spatial er behaves like the weak personal subject and object pronouns ze'she' and m'him' in that it cannot be used in coordinated structures; the other spatial R-words, on the other hand, can be used in this context, just like the strong personal pronouns zij'she' and hem'him'.
a. | zij/*ze | en | Jan | |
she | and | Jan |
b. | Marie en | hem/*'m | |
Marie and | him |
c. | hier | en | daar/*er | |
here | and | there |
The assumption that er is a weak pro-form also accounts for the fact that, as a general rule, it cannot be placed in sentence-initial position; the (a)-examples in (116) show that the normal position of weak object pronouns is right-adjacent to the finite verb in second or the subject in non-topicalized position, and the (b)-, (c)- and (d)-examples show that the same thing holds for the locational pro-form er as well as prepositional and quantitative er.
a. | Jan heeft | 'm | gisteren | bezocht. | weak object pronoun | |
Jan has | him | yesterday | visited | |||
'Jan visited him yesterday.' |
a'. | Gisteren heeft Jan 'm bezocht. |
a'' | Hem/*'M heeft Jan gisteren bezocht. |
b. | Jan heeft | er | jaren | gewerkt. | locational pro-form | |
Jan has | there | for.years | worked | |||
'Jan has worked there for years.' |
b'. | Jaren heeft Jan er gewerkt. |
b''. | Daar/*er heeft Jan jaren gewerkt. |
c. | Jan heeft | er | gisteren | op | gewacht. | prepositional er | |
Jan has | there | yesterday | for | waited | |||
'Jan waited for it yesterday.' |
c'. | Gisteren heeft Jan er op gewacht. |
c''. | Daar/*Er heeft Jan gisteren op gewacht. |
d. | Jan had er | gisteren [NP | drie [e]]. | quantitative er | |
Jan had there | yesterday | three | |||
'Jan had three (e.g., books) yesterday.' |
d'. | Gisteren had Jan er | [NP | drie [e]]. |
d''. | * | Er had Jan gisteren | [NP | drie [e]]. |
Weak subject pronouns (with the exception of the weak third person masculine pronoun -ie'he') behave markedly differently in this respect and, as is shown in (117a), they may either occur in sentence-initial position or follow the finite verb in second position. Since it is generally assumed that expletive er acts as a place-holder of the subject position, it is not really surprising that it exhibits the same behavior as the weak subject pronouns.
a. | Gisteren | heeft | zij/ze | het boek | gelezen. | subject pronoun | |
yesterday | has | she | the book | read |
a'. | Zij/Ze heeft gisteren het boek gelezen. |
b. | Gisteren | heeft | er | iemand | tegen mij | gelogen. | expletive er | |
yesterday | has | there | someone | to me | lied | |||
'Yesterday, someone lied to me.' |
b'. | Er heeft gisteren iemand tegen mij gelogen. |
Note in passing that the generalization that non-expletive er cannot occur in sentence-initial position does not hold if er is part of a larger constituent occupying the sentence-initial position. This is especially the case if the first constituent is a (nominalized) infinitival clause; in (118), we give examples involving the locational pro-form er as well as prepositional and quantitative er.
a. | [Er | drie maanden | per jaar | wonen] | zou | ik | wel | willen. | locational | |
there | three months | a year | live | would | I | prt | want | |||
'Iʼd like to live there for three months a year.' |
b. | [Er | alleen | over | klagen] | helpt | niet. | prepositional | |
there | only | about | complain | helps | not | |||
'It doesnʼt help to just complain about it.' |
c. | [Er [NP | zes e] | achter elkaar | opeten] | is wat | overdreven. | quantitative | |
there | six | after each.other | prt.-eat | is a.bit | excessive | |||
'To eat six [e.g., buns] one after the other is a little excessive.' |
Example (119a) shows that weak object pronouns are obligatorily moved into a position preceding clausal adverbs like waarschijnlijk'probably'. Example (119b) shows that the same thing holds for the prepositional er (unless one of the syntactic restrictions discussed in Section 5.3 prohibits movement of er), and (119c) provides a similar example with quantitative er. We do not give an example with locational er given that place adverbs can be base-generated in a position preceding the clausal adverbs.
a. | Jan heeft | <hem/'m> | waarschijnlijk <hem/*'m> | bezocht. | object pronoun | |
Jan has | him | probably | visited | |||
'Jan probably visited him.' |
b. | Jan heeft | <daar/er> | waarschijnlijk <daar/*er> | op | gewacht. | prepositional | |
Jan has | there | probably | for | waited | |||
'Jan probably has waited for it.' |
c. | Jan heeft <er> | waarschijnlijk <*er> [NP | drie [e]]. | quantitative | |
Jan has there | probably | three | |||
'Jan has probably three [e.g., books].' |
Note that the strong form daar in (119b) may occupy a position within PP since the complete sequence daar op can be scrambled or be placed in sentence-initial position, as is shown in the primed (a)-examples in (120). The primed (b)-examples show that scrambling or topicalization is not possible with er op; this follows from the property of er illustrated in (119b) that it must be moved into some position external to the PP in the middle field of the clause.
a. | Jan heeft waarschijnlijk [daar op] gewacht. |
a'. | Jan heeft [daar op] waarschijnlijk gewacht. |
a''. | [Daar op] heeft Jan waarschijnlijk gewacht. |
b. | * | Jan heeft waarschijnlijk [er op] gewacht. |
b'. | * | Jan heeft [er op] waarschijnlijk gewacht. |
b''. | * | [Er op] heeft Jan waarschijnlijk gewacht. |
The discussion above has shown that the R-word er behaves like a weak pro-form that must be moved into the position indicated by means of +R in (121); the only exception is expletive er, which, like weak subject pronouns, may also occupy the first position in the sentence, indicated by XP. The other R-words are more like strong pronouns in that they need not move into +R, that is, they may remain in their original position, and they may also occupy the sentence-initial position XP.
XP V+fin (Subject) [+R] ... ADVclause ... V-fin |
There are two further remarks that can be made with respect to the position of the R-words. First, it should be noted that what holds for the “pure” expletive form er in (122a) also holds for the occurrence of er in (122b), which functions simultaneously as expletive and as prepositional er. This shows that prepositional er is possible in clause-initial position, as long as it also performs the function of expletive. Note that example (122c) shows that quantitative er behaves differently in this respect: it can never precede the finite verb in second position. We will return to these cases in Section 5.5.3.
a. | Erexpl | zitten | vier sigaren | in de sigarenkist. | |
there | are | four cigars | in the cigar.box |
b. | Erexpl+prep | zitten | vier sigaren | in. | |
there | are | four cigars | in |
b'. | * | Erexpl zitten erprep vier sigaren in. |
c. | Erexpl | zitten | erquant [NP | vier e] | in de sigarenkist. | |
there | are | there | four | in the cigar.box |
c'. | * | Erexpl+quant zitten [NP vier e] in de sigarenkist. |
Second, it can be observed from the (b)- and (c)-examples in (123) that movement of weak R-words is clause-bounded, that is, the landing site must be in the same clause as its original position. The (a)-examples show that R-words again behave in a way similar to weak pronouns in this respect.
a. | Jan zegt | [dat | Peter 'mi | waarschijnlijk ti | zal bezoeken]. | pronoun | |
Jan says | that | Peter him | probably | will visit | |||
'Jan says that Peter will probably visit him.' |
a'. | * | Jan zegt 'mi [dat Peter waarschijnlijk ti zal bezoeken]. |
b. | Jan zegt | [dat | hij | eri | zeker [ti | op] | zal | wachten]. | prepositional | |
Jan says | that | he | there | certainly | for | will | wait | |||
'Jan says that he will certainly wait for it.' |
b'. | * | Jan zegt eri [dat hij zeker [ti op] zal wachten]. |
c. | Els zegt | [dat Jan er | waarschijnlijk [NP | drie [e]] | heeft]. | quantitative | |
Els says | that Jan there | probably | three | has | |||
'Els says that Jan has probably three [e.g., books].' |
c'. | Els zegt er [dat Jan waarschijnlijk [NP | drie [e]] | heeft]. |
