- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Nouns and noun phrases (JANUARI 2025)
- 15 Characterization and classification
- 16 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. General observations
- 16.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 16.3. Clausal complements
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 17.2. Premodification
- 17.3. Postmodification
- 17.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 17.3.2. Relative clauses
- 17.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 17.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 17.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 17.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 17.4. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 18.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Articles
- 19.2. Pronouns
- 19.3. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Numerals and quantifiers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. Numerals
- 20.2. Quantifiers
- 20.2.1. Introduction
- 20.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 20.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 20.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 20.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 20.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 20.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 20.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 20.5. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Predeterminers
- 21.0. Introduction
- 21.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 21.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 21.3. A note on focus particles
- 21.4. Bibliographical notes
- 22 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 23 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Syntax
-
- General
Example (127) shows that binominal phrases need not be quantificational. These non-quantificational examples typically involve the noun soort. As in Section 18.1.1, we will refer to the first noun (soort) as N1 and the second noun as N2.
a. | deze/die soort | hond/honden | de soort | |
this/that species [of] | dog/dogs |
b. | dit/dat soort | auto/auto’s | het soort | |
this/that kind [of] | car/cars |
c. | een soort | appel/appels | gender not clear | |
a kind [of] | apple/apples | |||
'an apple-like thing/apple-like things' |
The non-neuter noun soort in (127a) is clearly used as a referential expression; the binominal construction refers to a contextually determined species of dog. That we are dealing with referential expressions is less clear in the other two uses. The neuter noun soort in (127b) has a type reading in the sense that it refers to a set of cars that resemble a certain car (or certain cars): N1 induces a partition of the set of entities denoted by N2. Example (127c) is special in that it does not necessarily refer to an apple (or apples); it refers to an entity (or entities) that resemble apples in a certain way; note that the construction is always indefinite, so it is not possible to determine whether the noun soort is neuter or non-neuter in this case. That the constructions in (127) are different from the quantificational constructions discussed in Section 18.1.1 is clear from the fact that N2 can be a singular noun, whereas an N2 in a QBC must be a plural or a non-count noun; cf. Table 2.
The noun soort in (127c) does not seem to be part of a paradigm; it cannot be replaced by any other noun, i.e. it is a grammaticalized construction. This seems to be different for the noun soort in (127a&b); some common cases are typetype and genregenre, and slagclass. Schermer-Vermeer (2008) has shown that the use of this construction has been on the rise in the last century and that an increasing number of nouns enter this construction: more common cases in the Corpus Gesproken Nederlands are formaatsize, kalibercaliber/size, kleurcolor, kwaliteitquality, maatsize, merkbrandmodeltype/model and slagsort, but there are many more incidental cases. Some examples with these nouns are given in (128).
a. | die | kleur | behang | |
that | color | wallpaper |
b. | deze | kwaliteit | stof | |
this | quality | fabrics |
c. | deze | maat | schoen/schoenen | |
this | size | shoe/shoes |
It is not immediately obvious whether the nouns in question are in a paradigm with the non-neuter or the neuter noun soort. To facilitate future research into the precise status of the individual nouns, we will examine the examples with the noun soort and show how the three constructions in (127) differ. We will also see that the examples in (128) tend to behave like the non-neuter noun soort in (127a); the set of nouns that behave like the neuter noun soort seems to be limited to type, genre, and slag; cf. Schermer & Broekhuis (2021).
That we are dealing with three different but homophonous noun types in (127) is clear not only from the meaning differences between the three constructions, but also from the fact that the nouns have different genders. Consider again the examples in (127a&b): the noun soortspecies in (127a) is non-neuter, which is clear from the fact that it takes the non-neuter demonstratives deze/diethis/that: deze/die soort hond/honden. The noun soortkind of in (127b), on the other hand, is neuter, which is clear from the fact that it takes the neuter demonstratives dit/datthis/that: dit/dat soort auto/auto’s. It is difficult to determine the gender of the noun soortN-like entity in (127c), since it differs from the other two nouns in not allowing these definite demonstratives at all.
The non-neuter noun soortspecies imposes gender restrictions on N2; it can be followed by singular non-neuter nouns such as honddog, but not by singular neuter nouns such as paardhorse. The neuter noun soortkind of does not impose similar restrictions on N2, which can therefore be either neuter or non-neuter. The third use of soort is also compatible with both neuter and non-neuter N2s. The pattern given in (129) is supported by a Google search (March 5, 2020): all strings in (129) occur at least several times in the intended construction, except for deze/die soort paard (only a single attestation with deze).
a. | deze/die[-neuter] | soort[-neuter] | hond[-neuter]/*?paard[+neuter] | |
this/that | species [of] | dog/horse |
b. | dit/dat[+neuter] | soort[+neuter] | hond[-neuter]/paard[+neuter] | |
this/that | kind [of] | dog/horse |
c. | een soort | hond/paard | |
a kind [of] | dog/horse | ||
'a dog/horse-like animal' |
Non-neuter N1s like kleurcolor and maatsize in the primeless examples in (130) often behave like the non-neuter noun soortspecies in that they do not allow neuter N2s. Neuter nouns like formaatsize and genretype in the primed examples do not impose a similar restriction on N2s; cf. Schermer-Vermeer (2008). However, it seems that the status of mixed cases with non-neuter N1s and neuter N2s also depends on the choice of N2: an example such as deze/die kleur hemd in (130a) is less common than deze/die kleur behangthis/that color of wallpaper in (128a) or deze/die kleur haarthis/that color of hair, both of which involve a neuter N2 but can be easily found on the internet. Perhaps the distinction between count and non-count nouns also plays a role; we leave this to future research.
a. | ? | deze/die | kleur[-neuter] | hemd[+neuter] |
this/that | color [of] | shirt |
a'. | dit/dat | formaat[+neuter] | boek[-neuter] | |
this/that | size [of] | book |
b. | ?? | deze/die | maat[-neuter] | hemd[+neuter] |
this/that | size [of] | shirt |
b'. | dit/dat | genre[+neuter] | lezer[-neuter] | |
this that | type [of] | reader |
Another striking difference between the examples in (127) is that the non-neuter noun soortspecies in (127a) can occur as the second member of a compound with a similar kind of meaning, whereas this is completely impossible with the N1 soortN-like entity in (127c); the compound appelsoort in (131c) is of course acceptable but only as the counterpart of the binominal construction dat soort appelthat species of apple. Example (131b) further shows that the result with the neuter N1 soortkind of in (127b) is marginal (although phrases such as het hondensoort can be found on the internet); moreover, it seems difficult to interpret this compound with the “resemblance” reading typical of this noun.
a. | de hondensoort | |
'the species of dogs' |
b. | ?? | het autosoort |
'the kind of car' |
c. | .# | een appelsoort |
The examples in (132) show that nouns like kleurcolor, kwaliteitquality and maatsize behave like the non-neuter noun soortspecies. All these examples are common on the internet.
a. | die behangkleur | |
'that color of wallpaper' |
b. | deze stofkwaliteit | |
'this quality of fabric' |
c. | deze schoenmaat | |
'this size of shoe' |
The noun soortN-like entity also differs from the other two nouns in that it does not allow plural formation: example (133c) is acceptable, but only under the same kind of reading as (133a) or (133b); it does not have the interpretation “two apple-like things”. The plural examples in (133a) and (133b) impose different selection restrictions on N2: N2 must be plural in the former, but can be singular in the latter.
a. | twee | soorten | honden/#hond | |
two | species [of] | dogs/dog |
b. | twee | soorten | auto/auto’s | |
two | kinds [of] | car/cars |
c. | # | twee | soorten | appel/appels |
two | kinds [of] | apple/apples |
A caveat is in order here, however. For convenience, we have translated the non-neuter noun soortspecies in (127a) with the English noun species. This translation may actually be too narrow, since it can also be combined with N2s like postzegelsstamps and substance nouns like koffiecoffee.
a. | deze/die | soort | postzegels | |
this/that | kind [of] | stamps |
b. | deze/die | soort | koffie | |
this/that | kind [of] | coffee |
This may raise the question as to whether we are really dealing with the plural form of the neuter noun soortkind of in (133b); it may actually involve the plural form of the non-neuter noun. One reason for assuming this is that the neuter noun cannot be modified by a quantifier like elkeach. Since nouns that have a plural form generally do allow modification by elkeach, the unacceptability of (135b) casts some doubt on the assumption that we are dealing with the plural form of the neuter noun soort in (133b). We leave this to future research.
a. | elke[-neuter] | soort | hond | |
each | kind [of] | dog |
b. | * | elk[+neuter] | soort | auto |
each | kind [of] | car |
It is difficult to determine whether nouns like kleurcolor, kwaliteitquality and maatsize behave like the non-neuter noun soortspecies with respect to pluralization; the examples in (136) show that the plural form kleuren can easily be followed by a substance noun, but not by a count noun. We leave it to future research to determine the precise status of examples such as (136).
a. | drie | kleuren | behang | |
three | colors | wallpaper |
b. | drie | kleuren | ?trui/*truien | |
the | colors | sweater/sweaters |
The constructions in (127) are similar in that they normally do not allow a definite determiner. In the case of (127a&b), however, this restriction is relaxed when the construction is modified by a relative clause. The binominal construction in (137c) is acceptable, but only on a reading comparable to that found in (137a) or (137b).
a. | de soort | vogels | *(die Jan bestudeert) | |
the species [of] | birds | that Jan studies |
b. | het soort | auto | *(dat | Jan graag | wil | bezitten) | |
the kind [of] | car | that | Jan gladly | wants | possess | ||
'the kind of car that Jan wants to have' |
c. | # | het/de soort | appel | dat/die | Jan lekker | vindt |
the kind [of] | apple | that | Jan tasty | considers |
Example (138) shows that a noun such as kleurcolor behaves in this respect like the non-neuter noun soortspecies.
de | kleur | behang | *(die | ik | zoek) | is niet verkrijgbaar | ||
the | color | wallpaper | that | I | look.for | is not available |
Attributive adjectives can license the indefinite determiner een on the nouns soortspecies and soortkind but only if they precede N1. This is shown in (139); the primed examples are only acceptable under the “of a sort” reading (i.e. (139a') can be interpreted as “a beautiful dog of a sort”), in which case an indefinite article must be present..
a. | een | mooie | soort | hond | |
a | beautiful | species [of] | dog |
a'. | # | een soort mooie hond |
b. | (?) | een | duur | soort | auto |
an | expensive | kind [of] | car |
b'. | # | een soort dure auto |
The examples in (140) show again that a noun like kleur behaves in this respect like the non-neuter noun soortspecies
a. | een | mooie | kleur | behang | |
a | beautiful | color | wallpaper |
b. | * | een kleur mooi behang |
Another difference involves the insertion of the preposition vanof between N1 and N2. The examples in (141) show that this is easily possible in examples such as (127c). Examples such as (141a) sound somewhat marginal. They can be found on the internet, but the number of cases is relatively small: a Google search (March 5, 2020) for the string [deze soort van] yielded about 140 hits, but many of these did not instantiate the relevant construction. Judgments about examples such as (141b) vary between speakers, but examples of this construction are common in informal spoken Dutch and are easy to find on the internet; a second Google search for the string [dit soort van] yielded 180 hits, and a cursory look at the results revealed that most cases did indeed instantiate the relevant construction.
a. | ?? | deze | soort | van hond |
that | species | of dog |
b. | % | dit | soort | van auto |
this | kind | of car |
c. | een | soort | van appel | |
a | kind | of apple | ||
'an apple-like thing' |
The examples in (142) with the indefinite article een are all acceptable, but only on a reading similar to (141c). Note that the addition of an attributive adjective triggers a more referential reading of the noun soort, which makes the example unacceptable.
a. | een | #(*mooie) | soort | van hond | |
a | beautiful | species | of dog |
b. | een | #(*duur) | soort | van auto’s | |
an | expensive | kind | of cars |
c. | een | (*lekkere) | soort | van appel | |
a | tasty | kind | of apple | ||
'an apple-like thing' |
The examples in (143) show that with nouns like kleurcolor, kwaliteitquality and maatsize, the insertion of van leads to an unacceptable result. These nouns therefore seem to pattern again with the non-neuter noun soortspecies.
a. | * | die | kleur | van | behang |
that | color | of | wallpaper |
b. | * | deze | kwaliteit | van | stof |
this | quality | of | fabrics |
c. | * | deze | maat | van | schoen/schoenen |
this | size | of | shoe/shoes |
The constructions in (127) also differ in terms of what is the syntactic head of the construction. Example (144a) is fully acceptable only if the non-neuter noun soortspecies triggers agreement on the finite verb, which must therefore be considered the syntactic head of the construction. In (144b), on the other hand, agreement can be triggered by either N1 or N2, which shows that either of the two nouns can act as the syntactic head of the construction. With the noun soortN-like entity, it is always N2 that functions as the syntactic head of the construction that triggers agreement.
a. | Deze/die soort | vogels | is/*?zijn | moeilijk | te oberveren. | |
this/that species [of] | birds | is/are | hard | to observe |
b. | Dit/dat soort | vragen | is/zijn | moeilijk | te beantwoorden. | |
this/that kind [of] | questions | is/are | hard | to answer |
c. | Er | liggen/*ligt | een soort | appels | op de tafel. | |
there | lie/lies | a kind [of] | apples | on the table |
Note, however, that when the neuter noun soort kind of is preceded by the definite article and functions as the antecedent of a relative clause, agreement between N2 and the finite verb of the main clause leads to a degraded result. If the relative pronoun takes N2 as its antecedent, as in (145b), agreement between N2 and the finite verb of the main clause may become slightly better, but the result is still marked.
a. | Het soorti vragen | dati jij stelt | is/*?zijn | moeilijk | te beantwoorden. | |
this kind [of] questions | that you ask | is/are | hard | to answer |
b. | Het soort vrageni | diei jij stelt | is/??zijn | moeilijk | te beantwoorden. | |
this kind [of] questions | that you ask | is/are | hard | to answer |
The nouns type and model in (146a&b) do not allow N2 to trigger agreement on the verb, suggesting that they fall into the same category as the non-neuter noun soortspecies; however, the assessment is complicated by the fact that model does not easily take a plural N2, and that the noun type is also more common with a singular N2. Nouns like kleurcolor also require that N1 triggers agreement on the verb.
a. | Dit | type | auto’s | rijdt/*rijden | snel. | |
this | type [of] | cars | drives/drive | fast |
b. | Dit | model | auto’s | is/*zijn | erg geliefd. | |
this | model [of] | cars | is/are | very popular |
c. | Deze kleur | bloemen | is/*zijn | erg mooi. | |
this color | flowers | is/are | very beautiful |
The examples in (147) show that, as in the QBCs, N2 can act as the semantic head of all binominal soort-constructions. The restriction that the verb verzamelen takes a plural count noun or a substance noun as its direct object is satisfied by N2; if N2 is a singular count noun, the result is unacceptable.
a. | Jan verzamelt | deze soort | postzegels/*postzegel/wijn. | |
Jan collects | this kind [of] | stamps/stamp/wine |
b. | Jan verzamelt | dit soort | postzegels/*postzegel/wijn. | |
Jan collects | this kind [of] | stamps/stamp/wine |
c. | Jan verzamelt | een soort | postzegels/*postzegel/wijn. | |
Jan collects | a kind [of] | stamps/stamp/wine |
The examples in (148) show that in the type reading a plural N2 is not needed if N1 is plural. The combination of a plural N1 and a singular N2 sounds formal and only occurs with a small number of N1s; this combination is quite common with soortkind, typetype, but can also be found with e.g. genregenre and slagclass.
a. | Jan verzamelt | twee | soorten | postzegel. | |
Jan collects | two | kind [of] | stamp |
a'. | Jan verzamelt | twee | soorten | postzegels. | |
Jan collects | two | kind [of] | stamps |
The fact that the two forms coexist raises the question of whether they are free variants or whether there are differences. Schermer & Broekhuis (2021) claim that the non-plural form of N2 is not singular but anumeric (i.e. an indifferentialis in the sense of Mattens 1970), which we also find in the non-count use of a count noun like visfish in (149a) or the predicative use of leraarteacher in (149b).
a. | We | eten | vis | vandaag: | we hebben | zes haringen en twee schollen | gekocht. | |
we | eat | fish | today | we have | six herrings and two plaice | bought | ||
'We are eating fish today; we have bought six cods and two plaice.' |
b. | Jan is leraar | |
Jan is teacher | ||
'Jan is a teacher.' |
The anumeric nature of singular N2s means that they cannot be used when the binominal construction as a whole is used to refer to collections of entities belonging to the denotation set of N2; note in passing that this also explains why N2 must be plural in the examples in (146) and (147). Instead, the anumeric use divides the denotation of N2 into two or more subsets, as in (150): (150a) provides an example with the anumeric use of visfish, also found in (149a); (150b), from the final biology exam havo 2003, provides a common context in which anumeric N2s are found, i.e. subclassification.
a. | We | eten | vandaag | twee soorten vis: | haring en schol. | |
we | eat | today | two kind [of] fish | herring and plaice | ||
'We are eating two kind of fish today; cod and plaice.' |
b. | Biologen onderscheiden | twee typen mutatie: somatische en erfelijke mutatie. | |
'Biologists distinguish two types of mutation: somatic and hereditary mutation.' |
Note that the anumeric use of N2 is typically found in formal (e.g. scientific) contexts; it is also possible to use the plural form mutaties in (150b).
This section has discussed some of the properties of the non-quantificational constructions in (127); it has been shown that the three homophonous forms of N2 (i.e. soort) differ in various ways. Since these forms have not been systematically studied in the literature, future research on the three constructions in question may reveal more systematic differences. This section has also shown that the behavior of the other nouns that can enter the non-quantificational construction is similar to that of the non-neuter noun soortspecies in (127a).
