- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Nouns and noun phrases (JANUARI 2025)
- 15 Characterization and classification
- 16 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. General observations
- 16.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 16.3. Clausal complements
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 17.2. Premodification
- 17.3. Postmodification
- 17.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 17.3.2. Relative clauses
- 17.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 17.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 17.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 17.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 17.4. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 18.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Articles
- 19.2. Pronouns
- 19.3. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Numerals and quantifiers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. Numerals
- 20.2. Quantifiers
- 20.2.1. Introduction
- 20.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 20.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 20.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 20.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 20.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 20.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 20.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 20.5. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Predeterminers
- 21.0. Introduction
- 21.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 21.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 21.3. A note on focus particles
- 21.4. Bibliographical notes
- 22 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 23 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Syntax
-
- General
Argument clauses are selected by some higher predicate by definition and we therefore expect them to occur as dependent clauses only. Nevertheless, it seems that they sometimes can occur independently. The discourse chunks in (338) show that this use is discourse-related in the sense that argument clauses can easily occur independently as an answer to a wh-question.
a. | A. | Peter is hier. B. | Wat | zei | je? A. | Dat | Peter | hier | is. | |
A. | Peter is here | what | said | you | that | Peter | here | is | ||
'Peter is here. What did you say? That Peter is here.' |
b. | A. | Kom | je | nog? B. | Wat | vroeg | je? A. | Of | je | nog | komt. | |
A. | come | you | still | what | asked | you | whether | you | still | come | ||
'Are you coming or not? What did you ask? Whether youʼre coming or not.' |
c. | A. | Wat | doe | je? B. | Wat | vroeg | je? A. | Wat | of | je | doet. | |
A. | what | do | you | what | asked | you | what | whether | you | do | ||
'What are you doing? What did you ask? What youʼre doing.' |
Such examples can of course be analyzed as cases in which the context allows omission of the underlined parts of the strings in Ik zei dat Peter hier is'I said that Peter is here', Ik vroeg of je nog komt'I asked whether you are coming or not', and Ik vroeg wat of je doet'I asked what you are doing ..'. A similar analysis seems possible for echo-questions of the type in (339), where we may assume that the underlined parts in Je vraagt me of ik nog kom?'Are you asking me whether I am coming or not?' and Je vraagt me wat ik doe?'Are you asking me what I am doing?' are omitted. We refer to De Vries (2001:514) and Den Dikken (2003:7) for more examples.
a. | A. | Kom | je | nog? B. | Of | ik | nog | komt? | I denk | van niet. | |
A. | come | you | still | whether | I | still | come | I think | of not | ||
'Are you coming or not? Whether Iʼm coming? I donʼt think so.' |
b. | A. | Wat | doe | je? B. | Wat | of | ik | doe? | Niets. | |
A. | what | do | you | what | whether | I | do | noting | ||
'What are you doing? What Iʼm doing? Nothing.' |
Independently used interrogative non-main clauses are also very common to express that the speaker is wondering about something. The main and non-main wh-clauses in (340) seem more or less interchangeable, although the latter has a stronger emotional load. This emotional load is also reflected in that such independently used interrogative clauses typically contain some modal element like nu weer: example (340a') is completely acceptable as a neutral wh-question; example (340), on the other hand, feels somewhat incomplete and is certainly not construed as a neutral wh-question, as is marked by means of the "$" diacritic.
a. | Wie heeft | dat | nu | weer | gedaan? | |
who has | that | prt | prt | done | ||
'Who has done that?' |
a'. | Wie heeft | dat | gedaan? | |
who has | that | done | ||
'Who has done that?' |
b. | Wie | dat | nu | weer | gedaan | heeft!? | |
who | that | prt | prt | done | has | ||
'Who (for heavenʼs sake) has done that?' |
b'. | $ | Wie | dat | gedaan | heeft!? |
who | that | done | has |
A similar emotional load can be detected in the independently used declarative non-main clauses in the primed examples in (341); the speaker's involvement is again clear from the fact that while the primeless examples can be used as more or less neutral assertions, the primed examples emphasize that the speaker makes a certain wish, is uncertain, feels a certain indignation, etc. De Vries (2001:518) argues that this may be a good reason for considering independently used non-main clauses as constructions in their own right. Another reason he gives is that such examples have intonational patterns that differ markedly from those of their embedded counterparts: for instance, (341a') has a typical exclamation contour, (341b') a question contour, and (341c') allows various marked intonation patterns.
a. | Ik | hoop [dat | je | er | lang | van | genieten | mag]. | |
I | hope that | you | there | long | of | have.pleasure | may | ||
'I hope you may enjoy it for a long time.' |
a'. | Dat je er lang van genieten mag! | wish |
b. | Ik | vraag | me | af | [of | dat | nou | een goed idee | is]. | |
I | wonder | refl | prt. | whether | that | prt | a good idea | is | ||
'I wonder whether that is such a good idea.' |
b'. | of dat nou een goed idee is? | uncertainty |
c. | Ik | begrijp | niet | [waar | dat | nou | weer | goed | voor | is]. | |
I | understand | not | where | that | prt | again | good | for | is | ||
'I donʼt understand whatʼs the use of that.' |
c'. | Waar dat nou goed voor is … | indignation |
Independently used non-main clauses may also have highly specialized meanings or functions that their embedded counterparts lack. For example, when used as an answer to the question in (342), the independently used of-clause in (342b) expresses emphatic affirmation: the speaker is replying that he is eager to have the book in question. This use is so common that it would in fact suffice to answer (342) with en of!'I sure do!'. Embedded of-clauses cannot perform this function, but simply express dependent questions.
a. | Wil | je | dit boek | hebben? | |
want | you | this book | have | ||
'Do you want to have this book?' |
b. | En | of | ik | dit boek | wil hebben! | |
and | whether | I | this book | want have | ||
'I sure do want to have that book!' |
Because discussing the interpretational implications of the independent uses of argument clauses would lead us into the domain of the conditions on actual language use (performance), we will not digress on this. This topic has received some attention in Cognitive Linguistics since Evans (2007): we refer the reader to Verstraete et al. (2012), Tejedor (2013), Van Linden & Van de Velde (2014), and the references cited therein.
- 2003Comparative correlatives and verb secondKoster, Jan & Riemdijk, Henk van (eds.)Germania et alia. A Linguistic website for Hans den Besten
- 2007Insubordination and its usesNikolaeva, I. (ed.)Finiteness. Theoretical and empirical foundationsOxfordOxford University Press366-431
- 2014(Semi-)autonomous subordination in Dutch: structures and semantic-pragmatic valuesJournal of Pragmatics60226-250
- 2013Intersubjectivity in insubordination. Emotional and humorous effects of independent <i>dat </i>clauses in DutchUniversity of LeidenThesis
- 2012A typology of complement insubordination in DutchStudies in Language36123-153
- 2001Onze Nederlandse spreektaalnullnullDen HaagSdu Uitgevers
- 2001Onze Nederlandse spreektaalnullnullDen HaagSdu Uitgevers
