- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
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- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Coordination and Ellipsis
- Nouns and noun phrases (JANUARI 2025)
- 15 Characterization and classification
- 16 Projection of noun phrases I: Complementation
- 16.0. Introduction
- 16.1. General observations
- 16.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 16.3. Clausal complements
- 16.4. Bibliographical notes
- 17 Projection of noun phrases II: Modification
- 17.0. Introduction
- 17.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 17.2. Premodification
- 17.3. Postmodification
- 17.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 17.3.2. Relative clauses
- 17.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 17.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 17.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 17.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 17.4. Bibliographical notes
- 18 Projection of noun phrases III: Binominal constructions
- 18.0. Introduction
- 18.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 18.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 18.3. Bibliographical notes
- 19 Determiners: Articles and pronouns
- 19.0. Introduction
- 19.1. Articles
- 19.2. Pronouns
- 19.3. Bibliographical notes
- 20 Numerals and quantifiers
- 20.0. Introduction
- 20.1. Numerals
- 20.2. Quantifiers
- 20.2.1. Introduction
- 20.2.2. Universal quantifiers: ieder/elk ‘every’ and alle ‘all’
- 20.2.3. Existential quantifiers: sommige ‘some’ and enkele ‘some’
- 20.2.4. Degree quantifiers: veel ‘many/much’ and weinig ‘few/little’
- 20.2.5. Modification of quantifiers
- 20.2.6. A note on the adverbial use of degree quantifiers
- 20.3. Quantitative er constructions
- 20.4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions
- 20.5. Bibliographical notes
- 21 Predeterminers
- 21.0. Introduction
- 21.1. The universal quantifier al ‘all’ and its alternants
- 21.2. The predeterminer heel ‘all/whole’
- 21.3. A note on focus particles
- 21.4. Bibliographical notes
- 22 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- 23 Referential dependencies (binding)
- Syntax
-
- General
This section briefly explains the difference in function between restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers. The discussion will be confined to constructions with specific definite, specific indefinite, and generic noun phrases. More detailed discussions can be found in Sections 17.2 and 17.3 on the different types of pre and postmodifiers, including quantified noun phrases and noun phrases with possessive pronouns.
Restrictive postmodifiers are needed to unambiguously determine the referent of the noun phrase; their semantic function is to restrict the set denoted by the head noun, and for this reason both the noun and the modifier are plausibly part of the NP-domain of the noun phrase, as indicated in (10a). In the case of non-restrictive postmodification, on the other hand, the modifier is not needed to establish the referent of the noun phrase; the non-restrictive modifier does not restrict the denotation of the head noun, but merely provides additional information about the referent of the noun phrase. In this case, the non-restrictive modifier can therefore be considered part of the DP-domain of the noun phrase, as in (10b).
a. | Restrictive postmodification: [DP D ... [NP [... N ...] MODrestrictive]] | |
b. | Non-restrictive postmodification: [DP D ... [NP ... N ...] MODnon-restrictive] |
Note that the non-restrictive modifier seems to have the whole noun phrase in its scope, and that for this reason it is often assumed that the non-restrictive modifier is not within the DP, as in (10b), but is attached to it at some higher level. The reason for adopting the structure in (10b) will be clear from the discussion of example (19) in Subsection II.
Restrictive modifiers restrict the set of referents of the noun phrase, whereas non-restrictive modifiers do not. This means in the case of definite noun phrases that the restrictive modifier is needed to enable the listener to pick out the intended (possibly singleton) set of referents, whereas the non-restrictive modifier simply provides additional information about the intended referent of the noun phrase. Consider the examples in (11).
a. | De kat, | naast me op het bed, | ligt | te spinnen. | |
the cat | beside me on the bed | lies | to purr | ||
'The cat, beside me on the bed, is purring.' |
b. | De kat | op het bed | ligt | te spinnen | (die op de vensterbank niet). | |
the cat | on the bed | lies | to purr | that on the windowsill not | ||
'The cat on the bed was purring (the one on the windowsill wasnʼt').' |
In example (11a), the cat referred to by the noun phrase is assumed to be identifiable to the hearer in the given context, and the information provided by the PP naast me op het bedbeside me on the bed simply provides additional information about the location of the cat in question; if the modifier were omitted, the sentence would be less informative, but still perfectly acceptable. In example (11b), on the other hand, the PP-modifier provides information that the hearer needs in order to correctly identify the intended referent of the noun phrase; there are several entities in the domain of discourse (domain D) that are part of the denotation of the head noun katcat, and the restrictive modifier provides the additional information that the hearer needs in order to pick out the intended referent.
Restrictive modifiers can thus be said to be necessary for successful communication: if domain D contains several cats and the speaker would say de kat ligt te spinnenthe cat is purring, the hearer will not be able to identify the intended referent of the noun phrase and will most certainly ask for additional information. Not surprisingly, then, a commonly used test for distinguishing between restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers is whether the modifier can be omitted. This test is pragmatic rather than syntactic, since the result is, strictly speaking, always grammatical, so that the acceptability of the resulting construction should be judged in terms of its felicitousness in the given context: omitting a non-restrictive modifier merely results in a less informative but unambiguously interpretable sentence, whereas omitting a restrictive modifier results in either an insufficiently informative and therefore infelicitous sentence, or an incorrect/unintended (overgeneralized) statement.
That restrictive modifiers are used to enable the hearer to pick out the intended referent(s), while non-restrictive modifiers provide additional information about the intended referent, is also clear from the fact that uniquely referring noun phrases cannot be modified by the latter. This can be illustrated by considering examples like (12), where the relative clause modifies a proper noun. Example (12a) is acceptable because the non-restrictive relative clause simply provides information about the mother of the intended referent. Example (12b), on the other hand, would only be acceptable in the exceptional case that the hearer knows that there is more than one person named Jan de Jong, only one of whom happens to have an Argentine mother. And actually, even under this interpretation, the example is marginal, since the proper noun would then preferably be treated as a count noun and preceded by the definite article: De Jan de Jong die een Argentijnse moeder heeft, spreekt vloeiend Spaans (see also Section 15.2.1, sub II).
a. | Jan de Jong (, | die een Argentijnse moeder heeft,) | spreekt vloeiend Spaans. | |
Jan de Jong | who an Argentine mother has | speaks fluently Spanish | ||
'Jan de Jong (, who has an Argentine mother,) speaks Spanish fluently.' |
b. | ?? | Jan de Jong die een Argentijnse moeder heeft, spreekt vloeiend Spaans. |
Something similar holds for the examples in (13), where the referent of datzelfde boekthat same book can be assumed to be known to the addressee without the information provided in the relative clause: using a non-restrictive relative clause, as in (13a), is possible because it simply provides some additional information about the book in question; adding a restrictive relative clause, as in (13b), is impossible because it suggests that one and the same book can have different contents.
a. | Voor datzelfde boek, | dat over de oorlog gaat, | kreeg | hij | een prijs. | |
for that same book | which about the war goes | got | he | a prize | ||
'For that same book, which is about the war, he received a prize.' |
b. | * | Voor datzelfde boek dat over de oorlog gaat, kreeg hij een prijs. |
The examples in (12) and (13) show that restrictive modifiers cannot be used if the referent of the definite noun phrase is already uniquely determined without them. The opposite restriction seems to hold for the non-restrictive modifier: the referent of the noun phrase must be uniquely determined in domain D in order for a non-restrictive modifier to be licensed. This is illustrated by (14), where the non-restrictive relative clauses can be used, but only if the referents of the noun phrases have been previously introduced into the discourse. If this is not the case, the sentences must be pronounced/have the punctuation associated with a restrictive relative clause.
a. | Ik heb de auto, | die erg duur was, | op afbetaling | gekocht. | |
I have the car | which very expensive was | on credit | bought | ||
'I bought the car, which was very expensive, on credit.' |
b. | De student, | die een Argentijnse moeder had, | sprak vloeiend Spaans. | |
the student | who an Argentine mother had | spoke fluently Spanish | ||
'The student, who had an Argentine mother, spoke Spanish fluently.' |
Finally, we want to emphasize that although non-restrictive modifiers do not play a role in determining the proper referent set of the noun phrase, they do play an important role in discourse. For example, the information given in the relative clauses in (14) can be construed as the motivation or reason for the proposition expressed by the main clause: (14a) suggests that the speaker bought the car on credit because it was very expensive, and (14b) suggests that the fact that the student spoke fluent Spanish is due to the fact that he has an Argentine mother. In some cases, omitting a non-restrictive modifier can even lead to pragmatically infelicitous sentences. This may be the case in sentences that contain an element that can only be properly interpreted on the basis of the information provided by the non-restrictive modifier. Consider example (15a): if the information provided by the non-restrictive modifier net uit het ziekenhuisjust out of the hospital is new to the hearer, the adverbial phrase natuurlijkof course in example (15a) cannot be properly understood without it: the sentence is not unacceptable without the modifier, but it is still infelicitous in the given context. The same holds for (15b), where the correct interpretation of the element tochstill requires knowledge of the fact that my friend has six children: “Despite the fact that my friend has six children, she still has time for a job.”
a. | Mijn opa, | net uit het ziekenhuis, | kan vanavond | natuurlijk | niet | komen. | |
my granddad | just out.of the hospital | can tonight | of.course | not | come | ||
'My granddad, just out of the hospital, cannot come tonight, of course.' |
b. | Mijn vriendin, | die zes kinderen heeft, | heeft | toch | nog tijd | voor een baan. | |
my friend | who six children has | has | still | yet time | for a job | ||
'My friend, who has six children, still has time for a job.' |
When the noun phrase is indefinite with a specific referent, the function of the non-restrictive modifier is again to provide additional information about the referent of the noun phrase, the main difference with definite noun phrases being that this referent is not assumed to be identifiable by the hearer. The function of the restrictive relative clause, on the other hand, changes: although its main function is still to restrict the referent set of the noun phrase, it no longer serves to enable the hearer to uniquely identify this referent (set). Consider the indefinite version of the examples in (12), given in (16).
a. | Ik heb een auto, | die erg duur was, | op afbetaling | gekocht. | |
I have a car | which very expensive was | on credit | bought | ||
'I bought a car, which was very expensive, on credit.' |
b. | Ik heb een auto die erg duur was, op afbetaling gekocht. |
The indefiniteness of the noun phrase suggests that the hearer is not assumed to be able to pick out the intended referent: the speaker may be introducing a new entity into domain D or there may be several cars in this domain. The difference between the restrictive and non-restrictive sentences is that the former provide additional information, whereas the latter restrict the set of possible referents. Since identifiability is not at stake here, omitting the relative clause leads to a felicitous result in both cases. However, omitting the restrictive relative clause changes the presuppositions of the main clause, whereas this is not the case in constructions with non-restrictive relative clauses. Thus, in (16a), the core message conveyed is that the speaker bought only one car, and in addition it is said about this one car that it is an expensive car; leaving out the non-restrictive relative clause does not affect the core message. In (16b), on the other hand, the use of the restrictive relative clause suggests that the speaker bought more than one car, and that only for the expensive one payment was deferred. This suggestion that the speaker bought several cars is lost if the restrictive relative clause is omitted.
The difference in function between non-restrictive and restrictive modification is particularly clear in constructions with generic noun phrases introduced by an indefinite article (eena in the singular and the empty form Ø in the plural), since these can only be modified by restrictive modifiers. Example (17a) gives constructions with relative clauses, example (17b) constructions with prepositional postmodifiers, and example (17c) constructions with adjectival postmodifiers.
a. | Een student die lui is, | haalt | geen voldoende. | |
a student who lazy is | gains | no pass | ||
'A student who is lazy will not get a pass.' |
a'. | # | Een student, die lui is, haalt geen voldoende. |
b. | Steden met meer dan een miljoen inwoners | zijn | wereldsteden. | |
cities with more than a million inhabitants | are | metropolises |
b'. | * | Steden, met meer dan een miljoen inwoners, zijn wereldsteden. |
c. | Kinderen ouder dan 5 jaar | moeten | betalen. | |
children older than 5 year | must | pay | ||
'Children over the age of five have to pay.' |
c'. | * | Kinderen, ouder dan 5 jaar, moeten betalen. |
The restrictive modifiers in the primeless examples restrict the referent set of the noun phrase. This means that in all these sentences, the noun phrase without the modifier refers to a larger set of entities than the modified noun phrase: in (17a), it is predicated only of a subset of students that they will not get a pass; in (17b) the set of all cities is restricted to those with more than one million inhabitants and it is to this subset that the predication applies; example (17c) asserts that it is only children over the age of five who have to pay.
One way to account for the unacceptability of the primed examples in (17) is to appeal to our knowledge of the world by saying that since the modifier does not restrict the referent set, it is taken to provide additional information about the full sets denoted by the nouns. This would mean that these sentences express two propositions, both of which are said to be true of the full denotations of the nouns. For instance, example (17a') asserts that everyone who is a student will fail the exam, while at the same time all students are said to be lazy. In (17b'), both propositions expressed are clearly false: not all cities have more than one million inhabitants, and not all cities are metropolises. Similarly, the implication in (17c') that all children are older than five is false. However, it is not entirely clear whether appealing to our knowledge of the world is sufficient to account for the unacceptability of the primed examples in (17), since this incorrectly predicts that examples in which both propositions are true should be perfectly acceptable: this is the case in (18a&b), which are nonetheless dubious. For completeness’ sake, note that the (textbook) example in (18c), in which a definite noun phrase refers to the species/family of whales, is perfectly acceptable.
a. | ?? | Een walvis, | die | een zoogdier | is, | komt | nooit | aan land. |
a whale | which | a mammal | is | comes | never | to land | ||
'A whale, which is a mammal, never comes ashore.' |
b. | ?? | Walvissen, | die | zoogdieren | zijn, | komen | nooit | aan land. |
whales | which | mammals | are | come | never | to land | ||
'Whales, which are mammals, never come ashore.' |
c. | De walvis, | die | een zoogdier | is, | komt | nooit | aan land. | |
the whale | which | a mammal | is, | comes | never | ashore | ||
'The whale, which is a mammal, never comes ashore.' |
The distinction between restrictive and non-restrictive prenominal modifiers has received much less attention. Nevertheless, the same difference in function can be perceived as in the case of postmodification: restrictive premodifiers restrict the set of possible referents of the whole noun phrase, whereas non-restrictive premodifiers simply assign an additional property to all members of the referent set in question. As a result, omitting the premodifier again affects the reference of the noun phrase as well as the presuppositions involved in the case of restrictive modification, but not in the case of non-restrictive modification. Consider the examples in (19), which contain a definite noun phrase with an adjectival premodifier.
a. | Caesar prees | de dappere Germanen. | |
Caesar praised | the brave Germans |
b. | De | dertigjarige | dader | werd | direct | gearresteerd. | |
the | thirty.year.old | perpetrator | was | immediately | arrested |
In (19a&b), the adjectives dapperebrave and dertigjarigethirty-year-old’ can be given either a restrictive or a non-restrictive interpretation; cf. also Section A24.3.2.1, sub I. In the former case, the adjective is usually stressed and functions to distinguish the relevant subsets of brave Germans and thirty-year-old perpetrators from the larger sets denoted by the nouns GermaanGerman and daderperpetrator. Omitting the adjective would therefore change the reference of the noun phrases in question. In the same constructions, however, the adjectives can also have a non-restrictive function. In this case, the adjective is usually not stressed, and the presupposition is that all Germans are brave and that there was only one perpetrator who happened to be thirty years old. The adjectives provide additional descriptive information; without them, the DPs are less informative but still refer to the same entities.
Since we have argued that noun phrases have the structure [DP D [NP ... N ...]], the examples in (19) show that non-restrictive modifiers can be DP-internal: the non-restrictive attributive adjectives in (19) are placed between the determiner and the noun, and therefore they cannot be placed at some level higher than the DP. This was our main reason for assuming in (10) that the postnominal non-restrictive modifiers are also DP-internal. The claim that non-restrictive modifiers are DP-internal implies that the differences in function and scope between restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers must follow from the fact that they are attached at different levels within the noun phrase; given that current generative grammar distinguishes several functional layers within the noun phrase between DP and N, there will be ample opportunity to do so. We will not attempt to make the structure more precise here; cf. Section 15.1.2, sub IIA, and Alexiadou et al. (2007:§3) for relevant discussion. For the sake of completeness, it should be noted that in other approaches this problem need not arise: for instance, in Dik’s Functional Grammar adjectival modifiers are added to a head noun as restrictors, which can take N, NP, or DP in their scope. However, it will be clear that in such a representation the order in which the various elements are given does not directly correspond to the order in which they eventually appear in speech.
Clear cases of non-restrictively used adjectives are those adjectives that modify entities that are uniquely identifiable in a given context. This is the case, for instance, with proper nouns such as Westertoren (the name of a famous tower in Amsterdam) and AmerikaAmerica in examples (20a&b). Since the referent set of these proper nouns consists of only one member, no restriction is possible. The adjective can therefore only fulfill a non-restrictive, descriptive function.
a. | Links | ziet | u | de mooie Westertoren. | |
left | see | you | the beautiful Westertoren | ||
'On your left you see the beautiful Westertoren.' |
b. | Het machtige Amerika | doet | wat | het | wil. | |
the mighty America | does | what | it | wants |
Note that proper nouns may occasionally be modified by a restrictive adjective. In these cases, however, the proper nouns are no longer construed as having a unique reference. Two examples are given in (21). For more details, see Section 15.2.1, sub II.
a. | Het 17e-eeuwse Nederland | was een bloeiende natie; | het 19e-eeuwse | niet meer. | |
the 17th-century Netherlands | was a flourishing nation | the 19th-century | no more | ||
'17th-century Holland was a thriving nation; 19th-century Holland no longer was.' |
b. | Het gerestaureerde Centraal Station | is veel ruimer | dan het oude. | |
the restored Central Station | is much more.spacious | than the old | ||
'The restored Central Station is much more spacious than the old station.' |
In the case of an indefinite modified noun phrase, the adjective can again be either restrictive or non-restrictive, although the latter interpretation is much more difficult to achieve. Thus, in example (22a), the adjective dappere can only receive a restrictive interpretation regardless of which part of the noun phrase receives primary stress. In all interpretations, the set of brave Germans is understood as a subset of the total set of Germans. In an example such as (22b), on the other hand, stress can be a disambiguating factor. If the adjective is stressed, the implication is that there are more suspects, but only one who is thirty years old; as such, the adjective has a restrictive function. Unstressed, the adjective can have a non-restrictive function: there is no implication about the number of suspects, and the adjective has a purely descriptive function.
a. | Caesar prees | dappere Germanen. | |
Caesar praised | brave Germans |
b. | Een dertigjarige verdachte | werd | direct | gearresteerd. | |
a thirty.year.old suspect | was | immediately | arrested |
If the head noun is a proper noun, the adjective can only receive a restrictive interpretation. In (23a&b) the prenominal modifying past participle mooi verlichtebeautifully illuminated and the adjective machtigmighty are stage-level predicates: if the property changes, so does, at least metaphorically speaking, the entity to which it is assigned. This means that in these cases the referents of the proper nouns are no longer unique, which also explains the use of the indefinite article; cf. example (20).
a. | Links | ziet | u | een mooi verlichte Westertoren. | |
left | see | you | a beautifully illuminated Westertoren | ||
'On the left you see a beautifully illuminated Westertoren.' |
b. | Een machtig Amerika | zal | doen | wat | het | wil. | |
a mighty America | will | do | what | it | wants |
